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1.
This article explores the development of the party organisations of the communist and socialist parties in contemporary Spain and Portugal. An attempt is made to answer the question of whether these parties resemble the western European mass party model of organisation, which is characterised by the representation and integration of a particular segment of society within the organisational structure. From the contrasting western and southern European paths towards democracy, a hypothesis is generated contending that the limited opportunities and the lack of necessity diminish the likelihood for southern European working‐class parties to build mass organisations. The empirical findings, analysing the nature and size of individual membership, as well as the nature of the linkages between parties and trade unions, reveal that, with the possible exception of the Portuguese communists, the classic mass party is not reproduced in southern Europe. At the same time, however, the model of the party as a membership organisation apparently has not lost its legitimacy.  相似文献   

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The article uses the changing character of the French nuclear debate to examine the policy analysis and discourse of the PCF and the CGT. Whereas the shared ideological vision of these organisations was unchallenged during the early years of the debate, they faced growing difficulties in assimilating the issues raised by an increasingly informed anti‐nuclear opposition. Although ideologically both organisations have faced similar difficulties in adapting to the changing debate, the degree of inconsistency in their discourse has been determined largely by their different organisational structures. The CGTs relative heterogeneity compared with the PCF makes it more vulnerable to internal stress.  相似文献   

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Despite its constant preaching for collaboration with the socialists, the PCF has failed to pursue this line either during the events of 1968 or during the electoral campaign of 1977/78. This resulted in electoral defeats for both parties, in mutual recriminations and in internal crises. Unlike the PS, the PCF has always succeeded in overcoming its recurrent crises. This stability is due, in our opinion, to the enduring support the communists enjoy among the working class and other groups in French society, whose socio‐economic marginality and problems of identity are reflected in the PCF's ambiguous attitude to France's political system.  相似文献   

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张旭丰 《学理论》2014,(8):93-95
中国共产党人在全面建成小康社会的伟大改革实践进程中肩负起实现中国梦的历史重任,提升中国共产党人的实践道德修养是共产党的心灵寄托和归属,要不断增强中国共产党人的主体道德修养。做到以下五点:理论修养、与时俱进,培养贯彻执行党的理论和路线的高素质党员干部队伍;政治修养、依靠人民,坚定理想信念,贯彻执行为民务实清廉的基本要求;思想修养、精神家园,牢记党的宗旨和履行岗位职责,时刻经受实际行动的考验;知识修养、动力支撑,强化理论武装的时代感和吸引力;作风修养、接受监督,以人格魅力为动力密切联系群众就有了战胜困难的方法和措施。  相似文献   

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The article examines the differing organisational structures and political cultures which provide the bases for cohesion in the PCF and British Labour Party. It argues that the electoral decline of the two parties since the late 1960s, and the rise of new political forces to challenge their primacy on the Left, have generated growing internal conflict in each case. Despite the greater pressures towards unity in the PCF such conflicts have threatened the existing bases of cohesion in both parties. The article concludes by considering the possibilities of surmounting the current problems.  相似文献   

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日本一桥大学加藤哲郎教授长期致力于日本国内政党尤其是共产党的研究,作者曾对他进行过访谈,在参阅他在《日本-亚洲季刊》2000年第二期发表文章《从阶级政党到大众政党》,以及他为2002年1月在北京召开的"冷战后的世界社会主义运动"国际研讨会提交的论文《日本当前的社会主义运动》的基础上,作者将其关于冷战后日本共产党的现状及其发展前景的主要观点整理如下。  相似文献   

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李晓鹏 《理论导刊》2002,(12):54-56
冷战结束后,全球化进入了一个崭新的时期。与此同时,全球化带来的国际冲突出现了和以往不同的特点,即碎片化、边缘化和国际化。而全球化正是使国际冲突产生这些新特征的根本原因。只有把全球化建立在更加公平合理的国际政治经济新秩序的基础上,国际冲突才会得到根本的解决。  相似文献   

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美国冷战时期的文化意识形态以反共产主义和反同性恋为主导,导致许多作家不得不对当时的文化审查做出不同程度的妥协。而百老汇剧作家田纳西.威廉姆斯便是其中之一。由于他本人同性恋的身份,他的作品更是备受关注。主要通过对比普利策获奖作品之一的《欲望号街车》的先后两个版本,提出他的创作并非一开始便回避同性恋主题,其作品的同性恋化其实是一个历史的渐进过程。  相似文献   

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In 1943 the British Foreign Office created an obscure outfit called the Cultural Relations Department (CRD), to manage the growing organization of intellectual, cultural, social and artistic contacts designed to promote Allied goodwill. It became clear early on that the Soviet Union was already well-organized in this field, with many seemingly independent international organizations claiming to represent ‘world opinion’ yet operating as fronts for Moscow's foreign policy objectives. In the three years before 1948, when the more widely-known Information Research Department began its operations, CRD was the cutting edge of Britain's informational Cold War, focused very much upon the twin issues of culture and organized youth. This essay will examine this little-explored organization by focusing upon these twin issues and its neglected records in FO 924 in the Public Record Office, London.  相似文献   

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第二次柏林危机期间,美国试图牺牲联邦德国利益与苏联达成妥协,动摇了联邦德国对于它的西方最强大盟友的信心,迫使联邦德国重新审视其依靠西方实力促进德国重新统一的政策,着手改善与东方之间的关系。对美国的失望,坚定了联邦德国走德法合作道路的决心,促使联邦德国更加密切与法国的关系。从这个意义上来说,第二次柏林危机对联邦德国的外交政策影响深远。  相似文献   

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Cold War historiography has been through several recognizable stages over the last five decades, and the increasing interest over the last few years in cultural themes has added an important extra dimension to this. Yet the focus on ‘culture’ has rarely gone beyond studies of government support for particular cultural events and programs. Rarely have historical studies attempted to address the issue that such political uses of culture were part of an overall ideological offensive in both the East and the West. Recognition that the foreign policy of the Soviet Union was ideologically-driven is one thing, but historians have generally avoided a similar posture regarding the United States. Yet without sufficient attention as to how the US government attempted to mobilize and utilize all areas of social activity for the greater good of confronting the Soviet Union, there can be no satisfactory understanding of what the Cold War really involved In addition, this ‘ideological impulse’ has not disappeared with the end of the Cold War, as the reaction of the United States to the events of 11 September 2001 has demonstrated.  相似文献   

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近代中国文化选择视阈下中国共产党的创立   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
何党生 《学理论》2010,(27):113-118
中华民族与西方帝国主义冲突的客观环境是中国共产党文化选择的直接动力。近代中国的文化选择,学习西方是大主题,爱国主义是大线索,知识结构改变是大现象,学术转型是大趋势。中国传统文化中的进步因素,为中国共产党选择马克思主义作为自己的指导思想准备了文化前提。  相似文献   

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