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讲座是应用广泛的一种宣传手段,影响讲座宣传效果的因素很多,了解并掌握其中的特点和规律,有利于扬长避短,最大限度地提高宣传效果,让宣传工作真正为弘扬时代主旋律而发挥作用.  相似文献   

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Tobias Ursprung 《Public Choice》1994,78(3-4):259-282
This paper examines the influence of political propaganda on voters and analyses the behavior of the interest groups in the face of the influence being exercised. By propaganda semitruths are distributed among the electorate. The decision taken by a voter results from his basic opinion and from the parts of information he receives. The analysis shows that the greater the likelihood of a certain decision being reached by a fully informed electorate, the more probable it is that the same decision will be reached by a rationally uninformed electorate. The pecuniary interest of an interest group is, however, also positively correlated with the probability that the electorate reaches a decision which is agreeable to that interest group. It has finally become apparent that the results of the approach concur well with empirical studies.  相似文献   

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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1):23-42
Over the last decade there has been much academic and journalistic probing of the Malaysian prime minister's expressed attitudes towards Jews. That attention was renewed in 1997 following Dr Mahathir's recent denunciations of international currency speculation, as personified by George Soros. Yet at the same time that Dr Mahathir and his followers express their adverse views concerning Jews, there has also been evident in contemporary Malaysia, especially among the Malay political elite surrounding Dr Mahathir, a paradoxical fascination with the idea of 'diaspora', a desire to discover and even invent or create a 'Malay diaspora'. Understanding this peculiar 'diaspora-envy' may provide some insight into the modern Malay aspirations towards cosmopolitanism and 'global reach' that Dr Mahathir, with widespread domestic support, projects internationally. This 'diaspora-envy' seems the obverse side of Dr Mahathir's more direct and controversial views concerning Jews, and may throw some fresh light on them. Instead of providing evidence of classical political antisemitism, the views of Dr Mahathir and other leading Malaysians about Jews are the by-product of their views about other issues, especially the residue of a generally traditional religious education.  相似文献   

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This paper proposes a new way of measuring progress in international politics, an approach that focuses on the symbolic and ideological work of international organizations. Although such a strategy is not entirely new to the study of International Relations, it has not been a common, accessible way of assessing how well international organizations work to effect change. The more famous methods have been legalistic—investigations of how international organizations have created new international law in the issue-areas under investigation1—and bureaucratic—studies of how international organizations create machinery to deal with the problems2. But in a world where domestic and international discourse is more mediated than ever before by television, radio, the Internet, newspapers, and other means of mass communication, the argument here is that propaganda is a third arena that must be taken into account when exploring the work of international organizations. The international organization in question here is the United Nations, and the issue-area examined is gender equality, a topic that is also variously described as “women's rights,” “women's issues”, or the “women's movement”. The paper explains first why the topic of the UN and women's rights is important, I then examine the propaganda role of the UN in the struggle for gender equality, and the paper concludes with a critical analysis of the UN's propaganda work in relation to this issue.  相似文献   

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传播控制是传播分析的主题之一。本文通过剖析政治传播中的技术控制和政治控制,指出随着技术政治与民主政治的发展,政治传播中的传播控制在总体上将会呈一种弱化的态势。  相似文献   

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The study will highlight two key circumstances surrounding the workings of the Marshall Plan in Italy, namely the immediate Cold War context (e.g. the 1948 elections) and the fact that Italy was the country where communism had the most serious chance to come to power via the ballot box. The analysis will suggest that the European Recovery Program (ERP) propaganda effort largely failed in its short-term objectives. Left-wing strength continued to grow in various forms, and the quick-fix revolution in the customs and practices of the moderate parties, industry, and the state, as demanded by the Americans, was hopelessly unrealistic. However, the psychological boost to confidence that the ERP (and NATO) gave to the very weak ruling classes was as significant in Italy as it was elsewhere in Europe. In contrast, the Plan's long-term legacy is much more nuanced and hard to calculate. After fascism's failure, the United States offered a vision of modernization which was unprecedented in its power, internationalism and invitation to emulation. The ERP was one of the main ways that this modernization was expressed. How Italian society built mechanisms to adapt, translate, resist and domesticate this challenge had a lasting effect on the nation's development over the subsequent decades.  相似文献   

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Abstract.  Efforts by governments to affect foreign public opinion through direct communication – and in competition with rival governments – have been a stable and consistent feature of international diplomacy since the turn of the twentieth century. Yet public diplomacy and its use in propaganda wars has not been sufficiently theorized, a lacuna that this article seeks to address by means of the social-psychological theory of self-presentation and impression management. The discussion suggests that public diplomacy is a form of self-presentation for social empowerment, in which rhetorical strategies and associated tactics are means of addressing image predicaments in foreign public opinion. The analysis is illustrated by means of the recent Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its presentation in the official websites of the parties.  相似文献   

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王凤伟 《学理论》2009,(4):175-176
文章分析了典型宣传效应短期化的原因,如宣传环境的相对恶化,典型宣传过于突出政治性,宣传没有注重对位,同时提出了一些建议,如营造激励上进的舆论环境,坚持政治性与文化性的统一,找准典型宣传和受众思想的“结合部”。  相似文献   

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In this article we argue that Nazism functioned as a brand, and that this is key to our understanding of the extraordinary success of the Hitler regime in galvanising German public opinion. Nazis understood and manipulated the power of the brand, creating what amounts to a parallel universe of imagery and symbolism. The integuments of this brand strategy were the idea of Hitler himself and his projection, the stress on solidarity, the proclamation of a modernist Utopia with ancient accents, and the construction of an existential threat to the German way of life. But underpinning these were the deployment of what have become classic marketing concepts, such as targeting and segmentation, and a perceptive comprehension of the idea of packaging. Beyond this the regime was anchored in a kind of banality of ordinariness, it looked, at many levels, like a normal Western society and this element was made more credible by the promotion of a vigorous consumer culture. In many ways the Nazis were ahead of their time, masters of such political marketing arts as spin and rapid rebuttal. The fact that all this was done in the service of the most monstrous empire that was ever created, whose lasting legacy to the human race was its unique pictography of genocide, must alert us to the more sinister ends to which political marketing can be perverted. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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网络舆论引导机制创新的路径选择   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
网络舆论引导是舆论引导新格局的重要组成部分,坚持依法管理、有效管理,综合运用法律、行政、经济、技术、思想教育、行业自律等手段,形成依法监管、行业自律、社会监督、规范有序的互联网信息传播秩序,以进一步发挥网络舆论的积极作用,克服其消极作用,是构建社会主义和谐社会面临的重要课题.  相似文献   

13.
In early 2019, the British government declassified a tranche of Information Research Department files. Among them is a candid and concise overview of British thinking about covert propaganda, complete with a list of examples of British forgery operations. This short piece transcribes the briefing note and provides an introduction. The document sheds new light on UK covert action, but also talks to ongoing scholarly debates in Intelligence Studies and International Relations more broadly.  相似文献   

14.
General Sir Gerald Templer's period as High Commissioner for Malaya (1952–54) has provoked considerable and enduring controversy. To his admirers, he turned the tide of the Malayan Emergency in Britain's favour by combining a more vigorous prosecution of the war against the communist insurgents with a well-judged civilian campaign designed to win ‘hearts and minds’. To his detractors, he arrived with the turning tide, benefiting from the policies of his predecessors, particularly in the field of population control and rural resettlement. This article scrutinizes recent contributions to the debate which attempt to downgrade Templer's importance, and seeks to reach a balanced judgement on his role in defeating communist insurgency in Malaya.  相似文献   

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The study of man     
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The study of man     
Peter Rossi 《Society》1967,4(7):51-53
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The study of man     
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The study of man     
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