桑弘羊财政思想及其当代价值

桑弘羊是历史上中原著名的商业人物,也是西汉著名的政治家。桑弘羊的财政思想主要体现在所推行的盐铁官营与酒酤、货币统一专铸、均输与平准、农业与商业并重以及扩大对外贸易等施政实践中,大大化解了西汉财政危机和社会发展的瓶颈问题。本文以桑弘羊财政思想为考察对象,通过对西汉时期桑弘羊相关文献资料的梳理,运用历史学、经济学和文化学等多学科知识,论述了桑弘羊财政思想形成的条件,在此基础上,对桑弘羊的国家专营思想、财政统一、本末并重与以对外贸易充实财政等思想进行阐述,并对桑弘羊财政思想价值进行探析,以期对传承弘扬中华优秀商业文化有所借鉴。     

桑弘羊改革的得与失

担任农丞 算缗告缗 桑弘羊是中国历史上第一个提出不依靠农业富国的思想家。他指出：“富国非一道”，“富国何必用本农”，“无末业则本业何出”？主张由政府经营工商业以增加经济性收入。桑弘羊出身于商人世家，13岁时，作了汉武帝的侍中，一直到39岁出任大农丞，     

桑弘羊：汉武帝的“财政总管”

桑弘羊的理财 桑弘羊（前153-前80），西汉洛阳（在今洛阳东北）人。他出身于洛阳一个富商家庭。当时洛阳是全国最富裕的地方，当地的风气是重财轻义，人们都想经商赚钱而不想当官。在这样浓厚的经商气氛熏陶下，桑弘羊从小就对商业经营之道产生了兴趣，特别对古代著名的商人白圭、子贡等十分推崇。但他没有继承父业去经商，十三岁便被选为侍中，进入长安宫廷，长期跟随在汉武帝左右。     

对“亚里士多德法治公式”的再认识

古希腊哲学家亚里士多德在《政治学》中第一次明确提出法治理论。传统的解释框架认为亚里士多德论述了法治的内涵、实施法治的根据与法治的具体操作,提出了法治理论完整而系统的体系,成为西方法治思想的源头。然而,这是对亚里士多德法治理论的片面性解释。必须从制度与价值观念两个层面来阐述亚里士多德法治思想。     

探析亚里士多德监察思想及其现实意义

亚里士多德是古希腊伟大的政治家,其政治思想非常丰富,监察思想是其政治思想的重要组成部分。探讨亚里士多德监察思想的来源、监察制度的设置原则、监察制度的评价,对于探究对我国监察制度体制改革具有重要意义。     

论亚里士多德的分配正义及其对中国构建和谐社会的启示

亚里士多德把正义分为普遍的正义与特殊的正义,特殊的正义包括三种:分配的正义、矫正的正义和互惠的正义,而分配正义思想是亚里士多德关于城邦制度建设中论述的核心思想,也是论述最多最为详细的思想.亚里士多德关于分配正义的两种形式的划分,即按算数平等分配和按比例平等分配的思想,对于当代中国实现分配正义,构建社会主义和谐社会仍然有很强的借鉴作用.     

孔子仁爱思想和亚里士多德友爱论的比较研究

孔子和亚里士多德在不同的时代背景和社会现实下提出了相似的价值观念,分别为仁爱思想和友爱论,两种思想在当时的社会生活中都占据着核心价值观的地位。但二者也存在着差异,孔子仁爱的对象和范围较广,强调推己及人,以礼来维持社会秩序;亚里士多德友爱论的对象是排除奴隶之外的要求有回报的爱。比较二者的异同,可以使我们进一步认识孔子和亚里士多德两位大师的伦理学和哲学思想,对于构建社会主义和谐社会具有一定的启示。     

亚里士多德的德性观及其对道德教育的启示

伟大的思想千古流芳,亚里士多德的德性观在今天仍有重要的意义,《尼各马可伦理学》是亚里士多德伦理学的经典著作。他综合了古希腊关于道德的两种观点。从亚里士多德的德性观形成的背景、德性观的内涵,核心思想和终极目的等方面加以论述,并针对当今社会存在的德性缺失和道德教育问题提出建议。     

亚里士多德的和谐社会思想初探

亚里士多德虽没有明确提出要在整个社会构建今人所指的和谐社会,但如果我们细观《政治学》和《尼各马科伦理学》,便会发现构建和谐社会无疑是亚里士多德思想的理论基点和他本人的现实追求。亚里士多德认为和谐社会是公平正义、团结友爱、安定有序、民主法治的社会。构建和谐社会,要防范社会出现内乱,要以平等和平衡为指导,实施法治和教育这两大刚柔相济的基本策略。     

思想政治教育者应掌握的三种“说服论证”——亚里士多德《修辞术》对思想政治教育的启示

亚里士多德把修辞术看成是一种研究说服的普遍规律的科学。说服不仅是思想政治教育最为重要的工作方法和工作形式,甚至以前在许多情况下我们把思想政治教育就等同于说服教育。亚里士多德在《修辞术》中阐述了三种"说服论证",即:信誉证明,情感证明,逻辑证明。这三种"说服论证"对当前思想政治教育者具有重要的启迪作用。     

Aristotle on the Foundations of the State

Aristotle's Politics shows an apparent tension between a recognition of the desirability of individual liberty and his claim that 'none of the citizens belongs to himself but all belong to the state'. We can start to resolve that tension by considering Aristotle's doctrine of man as a political animal. Artistotle offers a particular account of the nature of man according to which his specifically human capacities cannot be realized outside of the state. This is not an account adopted arbitrarily for Aristotle's political theory but follows directly from his analysis of substances in the Physics . On Aristotle's account of human nature, man is essentially rational and virtuous and the political theory allows the rational and virtuous man to be as free as possible without intefering with others. Some are less rational and are subject to authority in virtue of this. We can see that Aristotle's theory has advantages over rights-based theories since Aristotle has an account of what constitutes human flourishing, without which one cannot found rights claims.     

Loving Freedom: Aristotle on Slavery and the Good Life

Most commentators on Aristotle's theory of natural slavery locate the source of slavishness in an intellectual deficiency that Aristotle describes. This paper sets out to show that Aristotle's natural slaves are not intellectually deficient in the way normally assumed, but are lacking an emotional faculty, thymos , which Aristotle connects to actual enslavement through its power to generate a love of freedom. It is also argued that Aristotle's understanding of slavishness entails a risk for a democratic regime, such as Classical Athens, since such a system has highly inclusive criteria for membership in the political association. Commentators have also failed to connect natural slavery to Aristotle's ethical thought and to note the theory's practical relevance to the goal of living a good human life.     

Aristotle and the Eleatic Stranger on the Nature and Purpose of Political Life

This article argues that Book I of the Politics represents Aristotle's critique of Plato's Eleatic Stranger on the specific character of political rule and the knowledge required for political rule, and that this critique produces a different understanding of the proper division of regimes and the relationship between political theory and practice. These differences can be traced to a more fundamental disagreement about nature: Aristotle sees nature as generally hospitable to human life and argues that the natural end or goal of political association is not mere life but the good life, while the Eleatic perceives nature as hostile and proposes a minimalist politics, aimed primarily at preserving life. Although the Eleatic's view of nature might appear to be closer to and more compatible with modern political thought, the conception of nature Aristotle presents in his Politics offers richer possibilities for political theory and political life.     

新时期档案管理者应该增强三大职业素质

时代的发展进步,是以信息化为主要标志。档案管理的方式也要适合信息化的时代要求。如果把档案管理人员的素质分成德和能两方面谈的话,那么档案管理人员的素质的提高,也可以分成从德和能两方面进行提高。档案管理者的德主要表现为责任感,使命感等。以信息化为明显标志的今天,对档案管理人员提出了新的技能要求,档案管理者需要提高的技能素质有在虚拟世界里,信息的收集整理,筛选归档的新技术、新方法等。     

高等职业教育德育创新研究

近几年，我国高等职业教育得到了迅猛发展，院校数量增多，学校规模扩大，办学特点鲜明，高职教育德育工作也面临许多新的情况，德育研究亟待加强，应借鉴国外高职教育德育经验，树立德育新理念、创建德育新模式、建设德育新课程、构建一种德育新机制。     

德里达与逻各斯中心主义

德里达对西方思想提出了一个著名的诊断,认为西方哲学史是逻各斯中心主义的历史。本文主要从以下三个方面解读德里达的这一思想:第一,逻各斯中心主义实际上是以存在论问题为核心的形而上学;第二,海德格尔在存在论差异问题上的观点给了德里达走出逻各斯中心主义的契机;第三,结构主义语言学为德里达提供了反逻各斯中心主义的工具。     

Can electors combat corruption? Institutional arrangements and citizen behaviour

Studies interested in the cross‐national levels of corruption have concluded that specific institutional characteristics drive the aggregate variation. In countries with high institutional clarity and plurality electoral systems, corruption tends to be lower since increased voter monitoring and clarity of responsibility incentivise politicians to deliver virtuous policies. However, the underlying accountability mechanism has never been tested at the individual level. It is still unclear whether (1) voters do place voting weights on corruption, and (2) whether these weights vary in response to aggregate institutional characteristics. In this article, survey data from 23 democracies is used to put the accountability micro‐mechanism to this test. While there is some evidence that voters do vote on the basis of corruption, the moderating effect of institutional characteristics is not as strong as previously thought.     

Aquinas's Two Doctrines of Natural Law

This paper examines the role which the concept of natural law has to play in the political thought of Aquinas, as this is to be found in the Summa Theologiae . It focuses particularly on Aquinas's understanding of the relationship which exists between natural and positive law. It argues that Aquinas's views are inconsistent and that the Summa actually contains two quite different positions regarding this subject. One of these is inherited from the Stoic natural law tradition and the other from Aristotle. The former considers natural law to be a critical standard by means of which positive law can be evaluated by individuals, whereas the latter does not. On the contrary, it maintains that according to Aquinas the principles of natural law require interpretation, and that this interpretation is to be provided, not by the conscience of the individual moral agent, but by positive law. Focus on either one or the other of these two documents leads to quite different interpretations of Aquinas's political thought as a whole. One such interpretation sees Aquinas as being a distant forerunner of the liberal political tradition. The other associates Aquinas much more closely with the notion of authority and hence with conservatism in politics. The article concludes by commenting on the relevance of these different interpretations of Aquinas for the contemporary debate between liberals and communitarians.     

Sophocles'Antigone and the History of the Concept of Natural Law

This paper focuses on two related questions. The first of these is a general question. Where are the origins of the concept of natural law to be located in the history of political thought? The second is more specific. Sophocles puts into the mouth of the eponymous heroine of his Antigone an argument justifying her disobedience to an edict of her uncle Creon, who forbade her to bury her brother Polyneices. Does this argument involve an appeal to the concept of natural law? The paper takes issue with the claim, first made by Aristotle in his Rhetoric , that Sophocles' Antigone is indeed an early example of the application of the concept of natural law in political argument and debate. This interpretation of the political message of the Antigone is inconsistent with what we know about Sophocles' attitude towards the fundamental questions of Athenian politics in the classical era of Periclean democracy during the fifth century BC.     

The Problem of Political Science: Political Relevance and Scientific Rigor in Aristotle's “Philosophy of Human Affairs”

Treatments of Aristotle's moral‐political science have largely disregarded the methodological statements that he delivers as he embarks on his “philosophy of human affairs” in book I of the Nicomachean Ethics. A consideration of these statements, however, lends critical support to the view that Aristotle sought to give the sharpest possible expression to ordinary moral‐political opinion. Moreover, apart from revealing the by‐no‐means ordinary reasons that induced Aristotle to do so (and to do so in contrast to Plato), such a consideration sheds light on the source of the vagueness or ambiguity that defines moral‐political opinion as such. Indeed, the methodological statements are perhaps the first entries in the old quarrel of “relevance versus rigor.” And, through them, Aristotle suggests how political scientists today might walk a fine line between “politics,” on one hand, and “science,” on the other, without losing sight of the ultimate tension between them.