Sars And Regime Legitimacy In China

The Truth about the Chinese Republic. By H. G. Woodhead. London: Hurst and Blackett. 15s.

Peking to Lhasa: The Narrative of Journeys in the Chinese Empire made by the late Brigadier‐General George Pereira. Compiled by Sir Francis Younghusband. Constable. 18s. net.

In the Heart of Asia. By Lieut.‐Colonel P. T. Etherton. London: Constable and Co. 9 × 6½>. 305 pp. 16s.

Thro’ the Gates of Memory: From the Bosphorus to Baghdad. By Betty Cunliffe Owen. Messrs. Hutchinson and Co. 21s.

Four Centuries of Modern Iraq. By Stephen Helmsley Longrigg. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 21s.

Adventures in Turkey and Russia. By E. H. Keeling. John Murray, 1924. 10s. 6d.

Freie Wege Vergleichender Erdkunden. Von R. Oldenbourg, Munich and Berlin.     

Party-Sponsored Protest and the Movement Society: The CDU/CSU Mobilises Against Citizenship Law Reform

In 1999, the CDU/CSU single-handedly launched an extremely successful petition drive against the SPD-Green citizenship law reform (in particular against dual citizenship). This article argues that four developments converged to explain this tactical innovation. First, Germany's political culture had become a 'social movement society', with even conservatives accepting protest as a political means. Second, the issue of immigration pressurised the party to adopt a hard-line stance in order to co-opt the extreme right. Third, the Kohl government had left a legacy of resistance to citizenship liberalisation and of populist exploitation of anti-foreigner sentiment. Fourth, the petition drive reflected the CDU/CSU's new opposition status and its internal struggle over agenda and leadership. The article concludes with a look at the CDU/CSU's subsequent use of plebiscitory tactics and the implications for the future of protest politics.     

Citizenship,Rights and Emergency Powers in Second World War Australia

In times of war or the threat of war there is a heightened tension between individual rights on the one hand and public safety and the protection of the community on the other. This situation is again facing the democracies at the present time. One aspect of the way tension between these two principles affected the citizenship status and civil rights of certain individuals in Second World War Australia is examined in this article. It focuses on Australian citizens who were deprived of their liberty and interned without trial, for periods varying from a few months to a number of years. In seeking explanations for the denial of one of the basic civil rights of a section of the Australian community, this article examines some formal constructions of nationality, and considers the implications of these constructions for citizenship and civil rights in wartime Australia. ¹ 1 Part of this paper was presented as a work‐in‐progress for the Cultural Citizenship: Challenges of Globalisation Conference at Deakin University, Melbourne, 5‐8 December, 2002. Proceedings, pp. 132‐139.
     

Personalist Politics, Clientelism and Citizenship: Local Elections in El Alto, Bolivia

The article investigates the citizenship practices of urban Aymara in a neighbourhood of El Alto, Bolivia, through an examination of the municipal elections of December 1999. Using ethnographic methods, I focus on the instrumental and affective sides of clientelism, a central feature of Bolivian elections. I argue that clientelism is a part of citizenship practice, a means of engaging with the state in the person of the politician. A majority of the Bolivian population are marginalised from the oligarchic mestizo system of government, as represented by the traditional political parties. However, at local level, and especially during election campaigns, there is more permeability, and this article sees clientelism as a set of strategies through which citizens attempt to make politics, and politicians, more representative and responsive.     

Contesting Australian Asylum Policy: Political Alienation,Socratic Citizenship,and Cosmopolitan Critique

In the face of the hard‐line approach to asylum‐seekers currently being taken by both the major political parties in Australia, alienated cosmopolitans have been increasingly inclined to disidentify with the Australian nation and declare “not in my name”. Although sympathetic both to the cosmopolitan position and to these acts of principled dissent, I express reservations about such an approach on the grounds that it distances the cosmopolitan elite from the democratic mass and inclines towards irresponsibility. Drawing on Socrates as an exemplar, I investigate how citizens with cosmopolitan sensibilities might resist injustice on universal moral grounds without being either condemned by or exiled from their local political community. Ultimately, I argue in favour of an embedded cosmopolitanism that engages critically with the political ethos and calls on citizens to take responsibility for protecting the state in its ideal image.     

Die drei Welten der sozialen Ungleichheit: Belohnungen,Prestige und Citizenship

Talcott Parsons’s contribution to an analysis of social inequality seems to have had a strange destiny: it was either neglected as if Parsons had not contributed to the problem at all; or it was rejected as an allegedly useless kind of functional analysis of social stratification of modern societies. However, I argue, there is no single theory of functional stratification. Rather, there are at least three versions that have to be seen as separate approaches: First, the theory of rewards as it was developed by Parsons and, more important, by Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore; second, the theory of moral respect, that Parsons presented in two different versions; third, the theory of a balance of equality and inequality in modern societies that Parsons developed following T.H. Marshall’s theory of citizenship. The article presents a historic and systematic analysis of these three strands of Parsons’s contribution to the debate on social inequality. While the theory of functional stratification failed as a whole, I show that Parsons nevertheless anticipated crucial aspects of recent sociological debates, like the importance of the vagueness and fluidity of social stratification, or the crucial significance of education being the most important resource for a realization of individual life chances in modern societies.     

Bringing Realism Back In: Explaining China's Strategic Behavior in the Asia-Pacific

This article argues that offensive realism is applicable to explain China's strategic behavior. Contrary to constructivist and liberal arguments, ideational and domestic factors are not the primary causes of China's strategic behavior. Instead, structural and material factors such as anarchy and the distribution of relative power significantly shape how China behaves in the Asia-Pacific. Furthermore, they have a larger impact relative to non-material/unit-level variables on China's policymaking. Available evidence strongly indicates that China's strategic behavior is driven by power maximizing calculation. China's grand strategy, its maritime ambition as well as naval modernization, and rapid growth rate of military expenditure all confirm the hypotheses of offensive realism.     

列宁和普列汉诺夫:世界社会主义运动中跨世纪的大辩论

列宁和普列汉诺夫在十月革命问题上的分歧,可以归纳为两个方面:一是布尔什维克是否应该发动十月革命夺取政权,也就是十月革命的合理性和必要性问题.二是夺取政权后是否应该立即开始向社会主义过渡,或者说是否应该立即实行由民主革命向社会主义革命的转变.十月革命虽然已过去了90多年,但重温当年列宁与普列汉诺夫这场历史性的大辩论,从中认真吸取教训,避免重蹈历史覆辙,对于今天的共产党人和社会主义者仍然具有重要的现实的意义.     

Memory-Theater As Cultural Generativity: Eslingena: A Musical In Toronto And Riga

Linking the concept of generativity to expressive culture as a communicative resource, this article asks how recontextualization shifts meanings. I focus on the reception by audiences in Toronto and Riga of Eslingena: A Musical, a play about life in a Latvian Displaced Persons camp in post-World War II Germany. North American audiences responded to Eslingena as performed memory. Anticipation of its performance in Riga suggested it might evoke countervailing memories that would trigger memory as a competition about suffering. Instead, Eslingena successfully mediated diasporic and homeland memories to produce a dialogue about agency grounded in differential experience.     

Crisp,The Senate,And The Constitution

This essay explores the development of L.F. Crisp's understanding of the appropriate role of Australia's Senate in the national political system. A review of his widely‐used textbook over three decades reveals that, to Crisp, the Senate was conceived primarily to protect state interests, but that role was nullified almost immediately by the emergence of disciplined parties. Thereafter, the Senate usually was an ineffectual irrelevancy until the introduction of proportional representation transformed it into a threat to the constitutional system as it should operate. Crisp also appreciated that disciplined parties undermined effective control of government by the House of Representatives, yet he consistently failed to recognize in the Senate an institution capable of doing what the House of Representatives cannot: enforcing accountability on the government of the day.