The legacy of the Korean War: Impact on U.S.-Taiwan relations

If there had not been a Korean War, the Chinese Communists would probably have invaded Taiwan in 1950. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States began to reverse its hands-off policy toward the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan. The Korean War first compelled the United States to grant military aid to Taiwan and then put the island under U.S. protection. The war forestalled the deterioration of the ROC’s international status, but the legal status of Taiwan became undetermined in the eyes of U.S. policymakers. U.S. economic aid prevented Taiwan from sliding into an economic depression in the 1950s, and greatly contributed to the island’s later economic takeoff. He is the author ofThe Taiwan Security Triangle (Taipei: Laureate Publishing Company, 1989).     

LEGACIES OF WAR

In this article nongovernmental organization (NGO) workers Channapha Khamvongsa and Elaine Russell discuss the massive illegal U.S. bombing of Laos between 1964 and 1973 and its lingering human, economic, and ecological toll. They survey the history of foreign intervention in Laos, with special emphasis on the cold war-era civil war and U.S. intervention. The authors describe continuing civilian casualties and obstacles to development posed by unexploded ordnance (UXO) in Laos, and detail current efforts for UXO removal. The authors propose a formal reconciliation process between the United States and Laos in which the U.S. government would accept responsibility for the long-term effects of the bombing and the governments would cooperate with NGOs and the United Nations in a transparent process to fund UXO removal.     

U.S. responses to the Tiananmen and Kwangju incidents: American relations with China and Korea

This article focuses upon American relations with China and Korea through a comparative exploration of U.S. responses to the 1989 Tiananmen and 1980 Kwangju incidents. The thesis contends that U.S. policy towards both countries was founded primarily upon security and economic interests and was often obscured by a lack of understanding of these nations’ internal affairs, history, and culture. Although these factors exist in U.S. relations with the two countries, the United States places greater importance upon China than Korea, a situation that does not necessarily benefit Americans.     

简论美国实力地位的变化

金融危机对美国实力造成重创,美国的经济实力、国际地位都有一定程度的下降,陷入暂时的衰退。但美国的实力地位不会就此衰落,它的一系列国家机制能够保障美国最终摆脱衰退,重新焕发活力。金融危机对美国的影响也是有限的,美国的全球主导地位并没有发生根本动摇,而且还将维持相当长的一段时期。     

The Role of the Inter‐American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD): Confronting the Problem of Illegal Drugs in the Americas

The illegal drug trade has become a serious threat for the Americas. Is a multilateral approach to combat it possible? This article proposes that the United States and Latin America are finding ways to use multilateral organisms to confront this threat and examines as an example the role of CICAD in setting a cooperative agenda to develop an antidrug regime. CICAD has established common ground for long‐term cooperation in certain areas. But common drug strategies in the Americas require the support of the United States and the cooperation of Latin American states, both of which are still works in progress. Therefore the future of the CICAD‐inspired antidrug regime will depend on whether the United States and Latin America will cooperate to define the illegal drug threat in the same way and bestow on CICAD the authority necessary to address it.     

论美国《外国人侵权法令》诉讼中的管辖权

建国初期,美国国会制定《外国人侵权法令》,授予联邦法院对违反国际法或美国缔结的条约的侵权诉讼行使管辖权,希望新生的美国赢得外交尊重。20世纪60年代,美国民权运动蓬勃发展,涉及外国的国际民事纠纷成倍增长。在人权利益团体的努力下,加上美国法律制度中方便原告起诉的具体规则等因素,《外国人侵权法令》引起美国学界和司法界的广泛讨论。总体而言,《外国人侵权法令》对人管辖权和事项管辖权的范围一直不断扩张,美国联邦法院愿意执行国际法尤其是国际强制规范,但联邦法院倾向于非自动执行条约理论而不执行大多数国际人权公约或条约。     

新华侨华人的职业结构及其影响因素——美国与加拿大的比较

本文用人口社会学理论分析了美国和加拿大新华侨华人的职业结构及影响因素.文章认为,20世纪70年代后进入美国和加拿大的华人应被视为新华侨华人.目前,海外华侨华人大约3500万,美国华人有330万,加拿大华裔有120万.美国和加拿大新增加的华人人口中,新华侨华人约占2/3.加拿大的新华侨华人主要集中在大城市,其中70%以上集中在多伦多、温哥华.19世纪至20世纪60年代美国华人移民基本上集中在西海岸地区,从1970年开始,华人集中而居的状况开始发生变化,区域分散化趋势日渐明显.美国和加拿大新华侨华人的职业结构总体上发生了巨大的变化,即由体力型向智力型转变,新华侨华人的经济地位也随之提高了很多.但是,新华侨华人中贫富差别严重.影响新华侨华人职业结构的因素有:美、加、中三国移民政策的调整放宽了对移民出入境的限制;华人人口结构发生的变化影响了其职业结构;知识结构的变化和劳动力市场也对新华侨华人职业结构产生了不可忽视的影响.     

Impact of the 1993 Chinese student protection act on American and Chinese societies

To protect Chinese students from possible political persecution, in 1993 a U.S. presidential executive order took effect, declaring that all Chinese nationals who came to the States before April 12, 1990, were eligible to apply for permanent residency in the United States. It is estimated that 50,000 Chinese students and their dependents obtained green cards, and the number is still growing today. This article analyzes how this group of immigrants changes the Chinese American community in its overall educational and occupational attainment, and how it affects China in its democratic progress. Due to their high educational achievement, these student immigrants will be a positive input to the Chinese American community in its educational and occupational attainment, and their stay also diversifies Chinese America in its demographic composition. On the other hand, although their stay in America will not severely affect China’s scientific development, since they can and do come back to China to offer help in that respect, it does have a detrimental effect on the growth of a news-born professional class in China and thus generates a negative impact on China’s long-term democratic progress. From this perspective, the article concludes that the Protection Act was politically short-sighted.     

Korea-U.S. relations in the post-cold war world

As a way of conclusion, let me get back to where I started, which is my observation on the U.S. presidential election. Despite the scant attention paid to foreign policy issues, certain common threads seem to emerge in the foreign policy platforms of the major presidential candidates. One is the intention to stay engaged in world affairs in closer cooperation with allies and other friendly countries. Another is the importance given to promoting the values of liberal democracy and market economy in U.S. foreign policy. As a major ally of the United States, Korea cherishes its security and economic ties with the United States and intends to develop these ties even in the post-cold war era. Most importantly, Korea takes pride in the common political and economic values it shares with the United States. Whatever challenges might arise in the days to come, the shared values between Korea and the United states will serve us so that the two countries can continue to develop their relationships in the twenty-first century and beyond.     

An American view: U.S. Relations with the PRC and Taiwan

Since Tiananmen in June of 1989 when U.S.-Chinese relations hit rock-bottom, the United States and China have gradually expanded and improved their relationship on the basis of reality, not wishful thinking and hype. At the same time, U.S. and Taiwan relations have substantially improved while China and Taiwan themselves have created a new atmosphere of economic cooperation. The new U.S.-China relationship based on human rights, nonproliferation, and trade reciprocity could bring greater stability but the United States must be on top of the emerging regional economic powerhouse of Taiwan-South China-Hong Kong and not be distracted by peripheral issues such as conditional MFN.     

Keeping labour mobility informal: the lack of legality of Central Asian migrants in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan's legal–regulatory framework provides for a small number of quotas for highly skilled foreign workers but has no provisions for legal employment of semi-skilled or low-skilled migrants from the Central Asian states, who enter under the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) visa-free regime and work informally in construction, household and service sectors. The lack of acknowledgement of the scale of informal labour migration has denoted an act of strategic neglect on the part of the state, allowing it to render migrant labour illegal, disposable, and keep migrants legally and statistically invisible. Unable to obtain a legal status, migrants nominally comply with the existing legal framework as they also circumvent and subvert it. The article details the entrenched informal regime of labour migration and explains why recent efforts to ‘legalize’ labour through the introduction of a labour patent (licence), as is the case in Russia, are unlikely to bring in significant reforms.     

战略竞争背景下美国对华贸易威慑分析

从威慑视角对中美贸易交锋进行分析发现,美国对华贸易战的本质是一种力图在逐步升级的方略指导下利用贸易手段对华传递出危险信号,让中国认识到任何与美方意愿相悖的行为都将得不偿失,进而迫使中方将自身行为"规范"在符合美方利益框架内的威慑行为。与此同时,为了确保对华贸易威慑的成本不影响特朗普总统连任,以及避免让对华贸易威慑的实际结果与"让美国再次伟大"的初衷背道而驰,特朗普政府在对华贸易威慑的过程中又始终与中方保持必要的接触,以避免威慑失控。美国将贸易纳入对华威慑"工具箱"的原因在于,相较于其他威慑手段,贸易在当前战略竞争背景下的大国博弈中更能发挥作用。美国对华发动贸易威慑的实力基础,在于其以科技、市场、金融及规则为支撑的贸易霸权。虽然贸易战在客观上给中国带来了一定的负面影响,但从总体上看,美国的贸易威慑并未取得预期效果,这关键在于中方审时度势的反向威慑。从长远来看,贸易战作为美国对华威慑的新手段,必将伴随中美战略竞争的整个过程。     

信息时代中美网络与太空关系探析

网络和太空是信息时代关键的战略空间。近几年美国国家安全文件拓展了美国战略利益的范围,将网络和太空作为其战略利益的新纬度。美国在信息空间推行先发制人的进攻性政策,以追求全方位优势地位。在网络与太空领域,中美之间存在着巨大的科技鸿沟。未来中美双方合作可以从不敏感的非军事领域起步,采取多边合作的形式,运用创造性思维开拓新的合作议程,共同构建更稳定的信息空间秩序。     

关系正常化前夕的中美资产要求问题谈判

《上海公报》发表后,美国政府着手推动中美双边贸易关系的发展,资产要求问题遂成为其优先寻求解决的议题。中美两国围绕资产要求问题的谈判经历了明显的起伏。在尼克松第二任期的后期和福特任期内,由于美国政府始终未能做出实质性努力以实现中美关系正常化,它试图依靠双边经贸关系的进展来显示两国间紧密联系的做法无法获得中方的认同,所以导致中美双方关于资产要求问题的谈判未获成功。     

On new rules for destroying old countries

The attacks on 11 September 2001 were not a major security threat to the United States, but they did create the political conditions for the implementation of an aggressive agenda by the Bush administration to assert U.S. dominance over the global control of oil and to establish an arc of military bases to contain China. Responding to Gowan, this article suggests that bid is unlikely to succeed because the concentration of military strength in the United States is paralleled by a concentration of financial strength in East and Southeast Asia. Though its Asian allies have been more supportive of the U.S. invasion of Iraq than their European counterparts, growing economic integration along Asia's Pacific coasts is likely to lead to a reduction in capital inflows to the United States and thereby aggravate the consequences of its high current accounts deficits and its low rates of domestic savings. The Bush administration's conservative social policies and anti-foreigner zeitgeist is also sapping the competitive edge of the U.S. economy in new technologies.     

U.S. nuclear nonproliferation policy in the Northeast Asian region during the cold war: The South Korean case

In over forty years of relations with the United States, South Korean decision-makers have had plenty of time to estimate the costs and benefits of acquiring nuclear weapons. The puzzle becomes why South Korea did not develop an operational nuclear capability, given the North Korea threat, the weakening of the U.S. guarantee, a vibrant economy, and an advanced nuclear manufacturing base. This case provides proof that U.S. rewards and threats significantly affect Third World states' nuclear decision-making and that the United States has greater influence with smaller and more vulnerable states than with larger and more technologically advanced states.     

U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS IN THE TRUMP ERA

This paper seeks to examine U.S.-Vietnam relations under the Trump administration. It will concentrate on the political, economic and security dimensions of the relationship. It will demonstrate that the Trump administration's policy towards Vietnam has many elements of Obama's policy towards Vietnam. Though President Trump has focused on the trade deficit with Vietnam, the Trump administration has worked closely with the Vietnamese government to intensify the partnership with Vietnam. It should be noted that in the context of China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, Hanoi and Washington see that it is in their mutual interests to advance their security cooperation. The last two years have witnessed the increasing partnership between Vietnam and the United States.     

论美国对国际刑事法院的政策

基于对国际刑事法院成立和发展特点的概述(包括相同观点国家集团与美国的博弈),本文将美国克林顿、小布什和奥巴马民主、共和两党三届政府对国际刑事法院的政策演变进行了比较与解析。作者认为,应关注美国三届政府近20年来始终未变的两大政策核心:即通过联合国安理会对国际刑事法院进行控制和干预,以及要求国际刑事法院给予所有美国人司法豁免权。从美国全球战略与国家利益出发,需要时在世界上使用武力则是以上两大政策核心的基本前提。它们将继续影响美国对国际刑事法院的政策,并使美国在近期(特别是在世界热点地区出现突发事件时)与中长期(预期2017年《罗马规约侵略罪修正案》批准生效后)存在着与国际刑事法院发生新的矛盾冲突的可能性。     

如何看待美国的软实力

约瑟夫·奈1990年提出"软实力"的概念是旨在回应盛行其时的"美国衰落论"。近年来,随着世界上反美情绪的日益高涨,又出现了"美国软实力衰落论"。实际上,美国软实力的各个组成部分,如美国在科技、教育、人口方面的竞争力,以及在思想、规范和制度安排方面的影响力,均未衰落。真正影响美国软实力的因素是美国民众的情绪和国内分歧。     

寻求韩国预防大国在东北亚冲突中的作用

随着中国在地区事务中的作用与责任与日俱增,中国在解决地区安全、贸易及环境问题等方面的合作日益至关重要。美国总统奥巴马曾说,美中关系是美国在国际事务中最重要的关系。但东北亚地区有许多问题会经常引发中美两国产生争议和冲突。本文将论证朝鲜半岛问题本身对这种中美合作关系的负面影响。天安舰事件证明了中美两国合作关系的脆弱性;包括核问题在内旷日持久的＂朝鲜问题＂影响中美关系。美国和中国在如何看待与解决朝鲜问题方面存在分歧。特别是在过去两年内,两个大国之间的分歧已经扩大。因此,本文最后将论述韩国对改善美中关系的作用。为避免冷战格局重现,韩国在朝鲜半岛及东北亚地区应该能够发挥更大的作用。