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ABSTRACT

The American Anthropological Association's Code of Ethics does not sufficiently acknowledge the challenges posed for anthropologists who “study up” and “across” rather than “down” the partly imagined power hierarchy within which the researcher and her host members position themselves. The Code proves inadequate for the ethical dilemmas that emerged from the four projects presented in this volume on the worlds of urban feminists and right-wing conservatives, activists and policy-makers of a local community revitalization project, an indigenous minority in the process of reclaiming its present, and corporate soccer functionaries. Several features distinguish these articles from previous work on the subject of ethics in anthropology: It is no longer necessarily nor exclusively the ethnographer who does the writing. The contested claims to ethnographic authority, access, and representation are closely related to the importance of the production and circulation of texts. The will to be loyal to one's consultants does not in all projects appear as the most ethical manner to pursue fieldwork. The power relations that anthropologists engage mirror the fluidity and flexibility of power relations among their research subjects that appear exacerbated in study-up projects. As anthropology's focus has become increasingly urban, cosmopolitan, and Western, conventional understandings of ethnographic authority, access, and power relations are contested and problematized in new, more complex ways.  相似文献   

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This article seeks to provide a textured and nuanced conception of the first Asian-African Conference (18-24 April 1955) by structuring four simultaneous, “mosaic” perspectives (for India, China, Indonesia and the Philippines) of that multifaceted event. By eschewing hegemonic “Cold War” and “triumphalist” interpretations, one purposefully avoids a rehash of the roles of the USA and the Soviet Union. Their role, in this study, is peripheral. This article highlights the complexity of the conference by a series of analytical snap shots, multiple focuses, recollections and memories, which emphasise the frequently neglected Babel-like environment of the Bandung Conference. The resulting analysis provides capsules of self-contained experiences rather than one unifying story. Ultimately, the highly contentious and disparate viewpoints that the participants brought to the conference underscored the difficulties that Cold War superpowers experienced in creating political-military blocs friendly to their cause. Third World countries, by the nature of their decolonization process and their political expediencies, succeeded in preventing both the superpowers from creating monolithic blocs.  相似文献   

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西方的"苏联学"是一个庞大和繁杂的体系.在西方/美国的"苏联学"、西方国际关系理论、以及美国对苏政策三者之间寻找交叉点和互动处,有助于为进一步研究冷战以后西方的俄罗斯/欧亚研究和对俄政策奠定基础.乔治·凯南和马丁·马里亚分别于1947年和1990年以"X"和"Z"为笔名发表的长文,不仅代表了战后西方苏联研究的起点和终结,也构成了学界与政策界、地区研究与国际关系理论研究之间的交叉和互动点.在前苏联问题上,学界与政策界的互动不一定合拍,有时甚至南辕北辙.43年间,美国的对苏政策一直具有极其强烈的意识形态色彩,信奉现实主义的凯南被边化,美情报界也因此对苏屡屡误判.相比之下,西方苏联学界的主流却日益学术化,多以"正常"眼光看待前苏联,其中不乏马里亚认为的"亲苏"倾向;Z文对前苏联的笔伐和近乎完美的预测,其实也是对西方和美国苏联学的大批判,尽管这一批判在一定程度上不甚公平.  相似文献   

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日本唐乐古谱是中国唐代音乐的异域留存,学界对其研究和解译非常关注,限于种种条件,多年来少有突破。词曲学家刘崇德先生此次将日本唐乐古谱十种整理出版,在对其进行基本文献研究和整理的基础上,对日本唐乐与我国唐代宫廷燕乐的直接关系、性质、乐律、曲型和结构等重要问题都做了深入研究。为我们深刻的揭开了日本唐乐古谱的神秘面纱。并借他山之石,为我们唐代宫廷燕乐、词乐、词体研究了、开辟了宽广道路。  相似文献   

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《中东研究》2012,48(1):127-150
This historical analysis of Mahatma Gandhi's views on the Jewish–Arab conflict in Palestine at the time of the British Mandate distinguishes four phases. The initial involvement is Gandhi's intervention in support of the Caliph's temporal rule in Palestine. The second deals with a secret offer of mediation addressed to the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem. The third is his highly controversial letter to ‘The Jews‘. In the last phase, Gandhi chose to remain silent, but is alleged to have stated that the Jews had a good case and a prior claim, a statement that seems at variance with previous attitudes. The question is raised as to how far Gandhi's views were consistent. They are explained by the evolving political context in India, as well as in Palestine, the two being intertwined in an ever tightening knot. Gandhi's commitments are revisited and clarified in the light of new research.  相似文献   

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战后,由于美军单独占领日本,美国占领当局直接主导了日本的非法西斯化改革,日本的对外政策也被纳入美国的东亚地缘战略框架内。正因如此,战后日本的"国家正常化"进程与美国的亚洲地缘战略密切联系在一起。冷战时期,日本充当美国在亚洲的"冷战"哨兵,日本在"旧金山体制"下获得"独立"和国际空间。冷战结束后,美国推行全球霸权战略,日本乘机加强与美国的军事同盟关系,扩展自主权。尤其进入21世纪,日本通过参与美国的"反恐"战争,实现了海外派兵。近年来美国实施战略东移和"亚太再平衡",日本借机加快修宪活动和军事"解禁",加速日本"国家正常化"的步伐。  相似文献   

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借鉴美日中小企业融资体系建设的经验   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
宁军明 《当代亚太》2001,(10):35-39
以法律规范为基础,以专门的中小企业融资机构和相应的担保机制为保障,直接融资与间接融资并举,政府、民间团体与中小企业自身三者有机结合,是美日中小企业融资体系建设的经验.但美国侧重于政府担保,而日本重视间接融资.  相似文献   

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Deokhyo Choi 《亚洲研究》2017,49(4):546-568
Where does “pacifist” Japan fit within the history of the Korean War? Was Japan simply the beneficiary of the wartime boom – a case best exemplified by Japanese Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru’s characterization of the Korean War as “a gift of the gods”? When North Korean troops crossed the thirty-eighth parallel and launched a full-scale attack against South Korea, the U.S. occupation in Japan quickly transformed the pacifist nation into the indispensable rear base of United Nations military intervention in the Korean War. The Japanese Communist Party and leftist groups organized by zainichi Koreans (Korean residents in Japan) launched an antiwar movement to stop Japan from producing and sending arms to UN forces in Korea. The U.S. occupation responded with determined efforts to contain every antiwar voice emerging from the streets of the pacifist country. By examining the political dynamics of zainichi Korean and Japanese leftist solidarity and U.S. countermeasures, this article shows how the Korean War was fought in pacifist Japan. It also illuminates how the practice of Cold War containment was mutually linked on the ground between occupied Japan and South Korea.  相似文献   

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Australian Soldiers in South Africa and Vietnam: Words from the Battlefield. By Effie Karageorgos (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016), pp.257, AU$131.99 (hb).  相似文献   

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前近代日本究竟有无哲学,日本哲学的合法性依据究竟何在?关于日本有无哲学的讨论意义何在?这是中日哲学研究者近年来热议的课题。本文作者认为,关于日本是否有哲学的判断基准在于如何理解"何谓哲学"的问题。无论从狭义的哲学,还是广义的哲学理解来看,日本都有哲学。概而言之,它大体包含以下3个层面的内容:其一,自古以来日本人的价值观、自然观、宇宙观、人生观等,即日本人关于自然与人的深层性思考;其二,引进西方哲学后关于西方哲学的研究成果;其三,在与西方哲学对决(对话)的过程中,日本学者独自的哲学创造。但是,在思考日本哲学问题时要注意"思想"与"哲学"的区别,以免泛哲学化。思想只是"臆见"、主观的、想当然的,但不是哲学思维;哲学必须是建立在"逻格斯(Logos)"基础之上,努力追求抵达客观性依据的学说。  相似文献   

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General Tomás Mejía (1820–67) became a leading Mexican opponent of the Liberal Reform Movement in the mid-nineteenth century. Originating from the Querétaro Sierra Gorda, where for twenty years he had a strong power base, he took his stand in defence of the Catholic religion. A devotee of the local cult of the Virgin of the Pueblito, Mejía cooperated first with the Conservative Party and subsequently with the Second Mexican Empire (1862–67). Beween 1864 and 1866, he became the Empire's principal military commander. Juárez had him shot, along with Maximilian, when the Empire fell. Triumphant Liberals blotted out his name from the history of the nineteenth century. Mejía defended an alternative, Catholic vision of Mexico to the Liberal secular state and its Revolutionary successor.  相似文献   

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