日本政界的台湾帮与台湾的对日院外活动

战后50余年来,日本政界始终存在着一股反共仇华、俗称"台湾帮"的亲台势力,他们虽人数不多,但能量不小,日本的对华及对台政策在一定程度上受到其牵制和影响.文章较系统地分析了台湾帮形成的原因与背景,概述了其组织形态与现状,揭露了台湾当局为培植亲台势力而开展的不择手段的对日院外活动情况,对于研究未来的日台关系走向必有助益.     

全球化时代的海外政治经济风险评估

目前,政治经济风险已成为海外投资和国家经济安全领域中的一个重要因素。由于全球化进程的不断深入和拓展,当一国遭遇政治经济风险时,往往产生连锁反应,给其他国家的国家利益带来风险。因此,对海外政治经济风险的评估和预测显得非常重要。国外的一些专门从事风险评估的机构,在这方面有较透彻的、持续的研究成果。本文着重介绍和分析国外一些著名的风险评估公司及其研究评估体系,并在此基础上提出对我国加强海外风险评估的若干看法。     

A Comparison of Political Factionalism in Japan and India*

Most studies of political factionalism begin with attempts to define the terms ‘faction’ and ‘factionalism’. The resultant definitions are then regarded as having universal validity, irrespective of time, place, or political culture. The use of this procedure, in our opinion, leads either to the unwarranted universalisation of causal relationships having limited scope, or to generalisations which are too broad to be of much practical value.     

Sweat or No Sweat: Foreign Workers in the Garment Industry in Malaysia

In the last decade factory owners, in response to brand-name Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) parameters, have joined associations that verify (through a monitoring and audit system) that management does not exploit labour. There have been no reports of violations of codes of conduct concerning Malaysian workers but for foreign workers on contract there are certain areas that have been reported. These areas, including trade union membership, the withholding of workers' passports and unsuitable accommodation, generally escape notice because auditors who monitor factory compliance do not question the terms of contracts as long as they comply with national labour standards. This paper is based on research with foreign workers in Malaysia and argues that despite the success of the anti-sweatshop movement in a global context, the neo-liberal state in Malaysia continues to place certain restrictions on transnational labour migrants which breach garment industry codes of conduct. Available evidence does not support the assumption that CSR practices provide sufficient protection for both citizen and foreign workers on contract in the garment industry.     

日本斯拉夫·欧亚学的构建与意义

经过冷战后十余年的探索研究,日本北海道大学斯拉夫研究中心构建了斯拉夫·欧亚学的学科体系,代表了当前日本斯拉夫·欧亚地区研究的最新水平,并试图以此理论来阐释前苏东地区正在发生的巨大变迁.对日本斯拉夫·欧亚学构建的背景、内涵与意义的梳理和阐述,可以供国内同行参考.     

Chinese Nation Building and Foreign Policy: Japan and the US as the Significant “Others” in National Identity Construction

This article examines Chinese nation building in the post-Cold War era from the perspective of foreign policy. It focuses on the role of Japan and the United States as significant “Others” in Chinese leaders’ construction of three major variants of Chinese national identity: as a victim (past), as a developing country (present) and as a great power (future). The article argues that Japan occupies a primary place in the enactment of the past aspect of Chinese identity, while the US plays a major role in its present and, especially, future aspects.     

日本“长寿社区营造”及其实践

日本是世界公认的长寿国家,凭借着75岁以上高龄老年人的显著增加,进入了史无前例的超老龄社会。一个健康、长寿的社会应该是当老年人在健康、自立的时候,积极参与社会活动,凭借自己的经验、技术、知识为社会做出贡献,当他不能自理、需要照顾和护理的时候,能在社区就近接受护理服务。而这样一个健康长寿的社会是需要建构的。文章从"长寿社区营造"视角,研究了日本在老龄化程度不断加深过程中,摸索应对老年人日常生活和养老护理需求的社区构建的过程。     

台湾海归与台湾政治

对20世纪80年代以来台湾历任最高领导人及各部委第一负责人最高学历的分析统计显示,在美国、欧洲地区各国及日本名校获得高学历之海归人士,已经构成台湾政坛的精英主体。本文梳理台湾政坛海归的基本构成、比例及影响,剖析台湾海归在台湾政治中具有的特殊软实力,同时也指出他们的政治软肋,评介台湾当局成文与不成文的相关政策法规,深化对海归参政之现实意义的认识。     

Challenging the Governance Structure: A Political Investigation of Foreign Labor Policy-Making in Taiwan

The development of political and economic policies has driven the structure of industry to produce enormous transformations of the political structure in Taiwan. This paper concentrates on foreign policy areas, to demonstrate the long-term dominant influence of structural and institutional constraints upon the state in Taiwan. The analysis concentrates on discussing the interactive structure of the reciprocal penetration between the state and pressure groups, using secondary public and private documents. The investigation shows that the state did not become powerless from the challenges of pressure groups and globalization, but simply generated strategic selectivity and coordination. The investigation of macro from secondary data afford an insight into the different factors involved in shifting the political structure of Taiwan. In addition, we find that the empowering pressure groups also had some resources that the party-state needed. By virtue of spatial interactions, key actors in the governance structure were able to restructuralize the political structure from the earlier Authoritarian regime to the present system of State-corporatism.     

Gorton and the Re‐Making of Political Tradition in Foreign Investment Policy

This article examines the Gorton government's tentative, but significant role in reshaping Australia's approach to overseas investment, focusing on the role of the Prime Minister himself. Prime Minister Gorton and his Cabinet ultimately accepted the need to pursue a more overt form of economic nationalism for political gain. This provided a basis for subsequent governments to offer more direct, national government intervention in foreign investment decision‐making to the Australian polity. Historical accounts and more recent assessments are drawn on to make this case and point to the legacy of Gorton and his government in the political management of foreign investment in Australia. The approach to foreign investment that emerged during Gorton's government demonstrated to subsequent governments the worth of developing a calibrated response that appeared to address populist concerns while still enabling substantive and increasing investment inflows.     

Political Order in Occupied Societies 1 : Realist Lessons from Germany and Japan

Abstract

The American occupations of Germany and Japan have many lessons to offer the United States today as it contemplates creating new political orders in Afghanistan and Iraq. The lessons that are to be drawn are not, however, the ones that are usually drawn by the current administration and others. First and foremost, a systematic comparison with the German and Japanese experiences clearly shows that the preconditions for democratization are not present in the contemporary cases, suggesting that the United States needs to recalibrate its objectives. Instead of seeking democratization, the United States should try first to create stability, even as it creates at least the institutional forms on which a more pluralistic political system can eventually be erected. The U.S. experience with state building in the Philippines and South Korea may be more relevant today than the German and Japanese cases. Other lessons that can be drawn from the German and Japanese as well as other past U.S. experiences with occupying countries include: the importance of finding a common threat that can unite enough indigenous elites that order can be established; integrating the new states into regional systems; and perhaps most importantly, using the instruments of transitional justice (trials, purges, censorship, etc.) in a fashion calculated to rehabilitate and incorporate supporters of the old regimes while delivering a modicum of justice.     

In the Shadow of Pacifism: Foreign Policy Choices of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan

This paper explores the policy choices of Germany and Japan for contributing to international security and stability in Afghanistan. Both countries have been closely involved with Afghanistan in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks 2001. It is argued that the policy choice of Japan with a low military element and high civilian element differs significantly from the German military centered approach. An analysis of the goals and motives behind the foreign policy choices reveals that in Germany the military involvement has been justified with humanitarian reasons, national self interests and the right to “unlimited” sovereignty. This logic has ultimately led to the acceptance of civilian casualties and participation into offensive counterinsurgency operations. It is suggested that elite driven discourses have determined foreign policy strategy. In the case of Japan the paper claims that the conservative LDP elite had been pushing for intensified military involvement which materialized in the dispatch of military vessels to the Indian Ocean and ground forces to Iraq. Similar to Germany these moves towards gaining international reputation were rooted in domestic politics.     

从东南亚到非洲:日本对外援助的政治经济学

2006年,日本对非洲的援助开始超过亚洲,非洲成为接受日本对外援助最多的地区。这一变化是长期以来日本对外援助理念、与受援国关系建构以及与主要援助国互动关系变化的反映。本文试图构建一种援助体系的分析框架,并确定了影响对外援助的三组关系:援助国与受援国的关系、对外援助与国内政治的联系、对外援助与国际社会的联系。日本对外援助理念和政策的变化正是这三组关系在不同阶段影响程度不同的反映。通过研究发现,日本的对外援助已经远远超出了经济利益和人道主义考虑的范围,将援助作为外交和战略工具逐渐成为其对外援助的一个重要特征。日本的对外援助是援助研究中比较有代表性的案例,通过这一研究能更好地认识国际援助的发展。另外,日本对外援助过程中的一些经验教训也能为中国提供借鉴。     

日本民主党兴起的政治社会基础

日本民主党自1996年成立以来,不断发展壮大,成为仅次于自民党的第二大党.本文从三个方面分析了民主党兴起的政治社会基础,其一是冷战后日本政治的整体保守化 ,其二是各政党的分裂与合并,其三是日本社会的变迁.从中可见经济、科技与社会变迁等因素对政党兴衰的影响.     

抗日战争时期日本强掳劳工民间诉讼的困境与突破

2007年4月27日,日本最高法院做出＂根据中日联合声明中国国民的请求权已经被放弃＂的判决,使得二战受难者在日民间战争赔偿诉讼陷入僵局。此种境遇下＂和解＂成为战后遗留问题工作者寻求突破的无奈选择。安野和解正是在此背景下达成。虽然和解取得了如企业承认强掳劳工的历史事实、表示谢罪、经济赔偿等一些成果,但受日本政府态度的影响,和解只能存在于受难者与企业间,就必然使得和解带有不彻底性,这也恰恰成为和解饱受争议的根源。彻底解决这一问题的方法在于以诉讼推动战争赔偿立法,以实现日本政府与企业两个层面上承认强掳华工法律责任基础上的全面解决,诉讼的根本目标及意义也在于此。     

日本与多边海上安全机制的构建

近年来,日本积极致力于在亚太地区构建以日本为主导的多边海上安全合作机制,其核心内容是联合亚太地区的海洋国家和岛国开展海上共同执法活动,其主要目的是帮助美国填补因政治等因素而无法直接军事介入南海以及马六甲海峡而导致的安全保障上的空白。对此,中国除应继续倡导共同安全、综合安全等新安全理念外,还应主动参与这一机制,以把握本地区海上秩序的走向,防止亚太地区的海上安全机制朝着准军事同盟的方向发展。