美国霸权的终结--兼评伊拉克战争对未来国际政治的影响

美国谋求单极世界霸权的企图已是一个不争的事实.它现在不仅拥有了实现这一野心的硬实力,而且似乎也具备了相应的软实力.但如果据此认为美国真的能实现它的这一梦想那又未免过于主观.本文将重点探讨有哪些现实因素将阻碍美国实现其单极霸权,以及为什么说美国的这一野心注定会失败.     

爱国妇人会的战争宣传一窥

文章简述了日本爱国妇人会的创立背景和思想渊源,对该会的宣传教化执行机构和意识形态工作进行了梳理。通过对该会在日俄战争、九一八事变、全面侵华战争(前期)这三场大规模侵略战争中的宣传内容、策略和目的加以分析,进一步从微观上勾勒出日本裹挟妇女走向战争深渊的必然路径。     

解读日本作家在侵华战争时期的“文学报国”——关于“国策文学”的考察

七七事变以后,战争空气日渐浓厚。而太平洋战争开始后,日本思想文化上的国家专制达到了登峰造极的地步,甚至于人道主义文学也遭到了打压和否定,部分左翼作家被强令禁止创作。大部分作家作为战地报道员被派遣到各个战地,＂国策＂驱使之下的＂国策文学＂应运而生,称颂战争、鼓吹国家主义的报告文学充斥纸面。日本近代以来树立起的文学独立精神已被摧毁殆尽,文学开始失去了自身应具备的独立性,成为政治的＂御用＂品,作家成了政治宣传的傀儡。本论以石川达三和火野苇平两个作家为例,试图解读日本作家在侵华战争时期的＂文学报国＂,进而对国策文学做一全面考察。     

日本企业加速对越南投资及越、中、泰投资环境的比较

迄今为止,日本企业对亚洲直接投资的头两个国家是中国和泰国.但是,近年日本企业不断加大对越南的投资力度.越南将成为继中国和泰国之后,日本企业在亚洲直接投资的最热对象国.本文结合中国、泰国的投资环境,探讨日本企业选择越南投资的原因,对其目前存在的问题进行对比研究,并展望其未来发展趋势.     

Norman Lindsay and the ‘Asianisation’ of the German Soldier in Australia during the First World War

Abstract

From the beginning of the First World War, atrocity stories about German depredations against Belgian civilians circulated throughout the Allied world. Caricatures of German soldiers rapidly degenerated into depictions of monstrous ‘Huns’ who were subhuman beasts, prone to acts of rapine and banditry. The most prominent producer of ‘Hun’ cartoons in Australia was artist Norman Lindsay, who published extensively throughout the war. Through an analysis of the antecedents of Lindsay’s monstrous ‘Hun’, this article will demonstrate that the rapid creation of the ‘Hun’ in Australia was made possible by the pre-existing racial caricatures of non-European people that were popular during this period. Chinese and Japanese people who were excluded from Australia by the White Australia policy were the previous targets of Norman Lindsay’s racial caricatures; as stories of German atrocities filtered into Australia, Lindsay transferred traits of Asians on to the German ‘Hun’, thus transforming him into the enemy ‘Other’. These traits were products of British imperial propaganda, and part of an ideology that asserted it was the job of the white man to civilise the barbaric coloured man. By ‘Asianising’ the German, Lindsay used a well understood language of racial caricature to reduce the German to the status of a barbarian. Race was therefore one of the central paradigms through which Australian propaganda operated.     

日侨遣返交涉的民间外交

中华人民共和国成立后,新中国政府与日本民间三团体就日侨遣返问题进行了交涉。日侨遣返交涉是中日民间外交的成功典范。     

日本佛教题材文学的演变及当代转型

始于明治元年的"废佛毁释"运动彻底改变了日本佛教的命运,由此产生的新文化语境与思想生态对日本佛教题材文学的创作产生了重大影响。纵观近代以来约150年间的日本佛教题材文学,其中的佛教思想接受模式呈现了从信仰、怀疑、理性主义到多元宗教观的变迁,实践了与佛教地位转型相呼应的文学创作转型。而多元信仰的必然结果是人们无暇顾及自我磨砺,急功近利的宗教心理使得"他力思想"和"恶人正机"等方便法门取代了注重修行的正统佛教思想。新生代僧侣作家的登场则将传统僧侣文学和现代文学融于一体,既让人们了解到神秘的僧界,亦使佛教更多地介入了现代世俗生活,他们作品中呈现的多元宗教观亦符合当下日本民众的多元信仰形态。     

金融危机对日本企业海外事业的影响及其对华业务的新动向——JETRO《2008年日本企业开展海外事业问卷调查》评述

日本贸易振兴机构最新公布的《2008年日本企业海外事业开展问卷调查》显示,日本企业的海外事业受金融危机影响显著,但不同规模、不同类型、不同行业的企业受影响程度不同,在不同地区设有海外网点的企业受到的影响亦不同。其它国家的景气恶化、日元升值等是导致日本企业海外事业恶化的主要因素。受金融危机的影响,更多的日本企业对海外事业的拓展持观望态度,然而却倾向于以拓展海外业务来应对危机。调查显示,中国仍是日本企业设有海外网点最多的地区及今后扩大海外事业规模的首选地区,但今后计划在华扩大事业规模的企业比例及对华业务的扩展速度都出现明显的下降趋势。     

二战后日本政界的中国观

二战结束至中日复交前,日本政界人士的中国观大体分为“情感型”和“意识形态型”两种类型。以“情感型”中国观为主导的自民党非主流派和在野党人士在推动中日复交方面发挥了重要作用,而基于“意识形态型”中国观考量的自民党保守派以东西方阵营画线,采取敌视中国的外交姿态,成为阻碍和延缓中日复交进程的重大障碍。     

日本社会对华心态析论

中日关系被认为是中国与20多个邻国中最重要的双边关系之一.尽管中日关系大体上是好的,但是两国之间仍然存在着许多不容忽视的矛盾.为此,本文从中日双方角度对两者之间矛盾的表现及其原因进行分析,进而分析日本失衡的民族心态与当前日本消极民族主义的郁结.在此基础上,作者认为在当前的国际形势下,在如何处理中日矛盾问题上,除了事关两国政治基础的历史问题和台湾问题之外,对于双方之间不断涌现的具体摩擦,我们应该继续坚持"韬光养晦"的原则,一切服从于国家"全面实现小康社会"发展战略的大局.     

日本智库对中国崛起的研究

日本智库在对华决策方面发挥着重要作用,目前日本智库对于中国崛起的研究较多。多数日本智库看好中国崛起的前景,认为中国崛起在经济上给日本带来了许多机遇,同时也提出了在军事和战略上的各种隐忧。他们认为应加强同中国的交流与合作,抓住中国崛起带来的各种机遇,另一方面也要针对中国崛起可能带来的威胁加强防范。     

In search of real justice for Africa and Africans,and her/their descendants in a world of justice,injustices and impunity

Abstract

The quest for justice by Africans and peoples of African descent, wherever they may be in the world, is arguably one of the most daunting mental, psychological, moral, legal and material challenges facing humanity in general, and the peoples of Africa in particular. It is a question of whether African peoples demand justice for the wrongs committed against Africa and its peoples over the last 500 years, or whether Africa and African peoples accept complicity in the global impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of those injustices, and by doing so diminish the significance of contemporary enthusiasm for global justice. Centralising the question of impunity to date for horrendous crimes, gross human and peoples’ rights violations and other injustices against Africa and Africans is not meant to distract Africans in Africa and the diaspora from the quest, in the 21^st century, for a new Africa that we have a historical responsibility to build and, by doing so, to ensure that the past is not repeated. Acknowledging the wrongs of the past and making symbolic reparative actions for those wrongs are essential for ensuring that the pursuit for a better world of justice is not built on top of underlying sinkholes and on the waste dumps of past injustices. Critical breakthroughs, such as the commitment enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union (2000), on crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the prohibition of unconstitutional change of government, must be vigorously pursued to their logical conclusion. To do so requires an understanding of where Africans, in their relationship with peoples in the rest of the world, are coming from. Smaller parts of the world have experienced similar heinous injustices with impunity, and Africa's pursuit of real justice also applies to those states and their peoples. Corrective or reparative justice is needed to clear the path for the meaningful and honest promotion of real global justice in the making of the future. It is imperative that the making of the African Renaissance confront real global justice for the sake of the past, the present and the future.