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Douglas Allen 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):60-66
AbstractAlthough the Calcutta philosopher and historian of science Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya has been the major twentieth-century Indian Marxist philosopher, he has never received the recognition in Indian philosophical circles commensurate with his scholarly contributions. Such lack of status and recognition is an indication of the nature of Indian academic philosophy, of those who have had the power to define the profession and the discipline. 相似文献
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Peter Zarrow 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2):93-110
AbstractNothing is more central to the study of the last hundred years of Chinese history than the themes of nationalism (the different forms it took) and education (the means by which the Chinese nation would be resurrected). Biography and especially intellectual biography is somewhat out of style. But the works considered here approach individuals and fairly small groups to convey a sense of the huge scope of the nationalist revival of China. All of them attempt to make sense out of the nexus where culture and politics met in a century of national crisis. 相似文献
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Agrarian adaptations in Tajikistan: land reform,water and law 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
William C. Rowe 《Central Asian Survey》2010,29(2):189-204
In Central Asia, agriculture and water management have ranked as the two most important economic activities in this arid environment. These activities gained even more prominence during the Soviet era as planners expanded irrigation into previously marginal land that bolstered their vision that the best land be allocated exclusively for cotton production. In the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union, Tajikistan has enacted laws meant to expand and clarify land use categories to meet the dual targets of expanding food production within the country while maintaining as much land as possible in cotton production – their economic mainstay. To this end, the Tajik government instituted five categories of land tenure. Though comprehensive, these new dispositions merely mask a continuation of top-down agrarian decision making implemented during the Soviet period. Consequently, this change has created new problems for farm labourers as they struggle to adapt to post-Soviet life and negotiate with the new bureaucracy in the face of ‘de-modernization’ and the loss of jobs, wages, and in many cases, access to productive land. This research demonstrates that the means by which the Tajik government expanded food production has contributed to agricultural problems apparent at the time of independence. 相似文献
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Richard Levy 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):58-62
AbstractIn the years since Mao's death, his thought has been undergoing a constant reappraisal both inside and outside of China. Both Womack and Martin's works can be seen as part of this re-evaluation, although their foci and standpoints are quite different. In tracing the evolution of Mao's thought from 1917 to 1935, Womack attempts to demonstrate how and why Mao's thought cannot be understood out of context while Martin, on the other hand, attempts to demonstrate how and why the various elements within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have tried to do just that in post-Liberation China. In the process, both works provide insight into Mao's understanding of the relationship between leaders and led and the transformation of this paradigm during Mao's lifetime and after. 相似文献
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Matthew Jardine 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2):119-127
AbstractEast Timor is the site of one of the great genocides since World War II. Out of a population of about 700,000 at the time of East Timor's brief independence, about 200,000 people have died as a result of the Indonesian invasion and the ensuing war, politically created famine, and the ongoing occupation. From the time of the Indonesian invasion on 7 December 1975 until January 1989 Jakarta kept East Timor closed. Apart from official foreign delegations, some international aid workers, and a limited number of journalists, few were able to enter the territory. On 27 December 1988 the Indonesian authorities accorded East Timor open-territory status following a one-day visit in November to the territory by Indonesian president Suharto. Jakarta was keen on encouraging foreign and “domestic” (Indonesian) investment in its “twenty-seventh province” as well as presenting an image to the outside world of normalcy in East Timor. On both accounts, Jakarta has largely failed in its objectives. The ongoing resistance by the East Timorese people to Indonesian hegemony and the concomitant political instability in East Timor as well as the relative poverty and isolation of the territory have prevented the influx of private capital. In terms of international opinion, the “opening up” of East Timor has not helped to suppress the image of the brutal nature of Indonesia's illegal occupation of the territory. 相似文献
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Vladimir Petrov 《East Asia》1994,13(2):3-30
To secure Soviet interests in Manchuria after the Yalta agreement on the Far East had been invalidated by the Kuomintang’s defeat, Stalin was forced to welcome the PRC into the “socialist camp.” In attempting to eliminate Mao’s foreign policy alternatives, he was assisted by an unwitting United States, where Truman was under fire for “losing” China. Data which has recently become available shows that Stalin cemented his accord with Mao by urging him to lead revolution in Asia. Mao’s heroic self-image and need to prove to Stalin that he was not “another Tito,” caused him to overrule his Politburo and plunge China into the Korean War, thereby assuring its isolation and lasting dependence on the Soviets. The author has long been a student of relations among socialist states; a few interviews in Beijing with Mao Zedong’s personal interpreters and a multitude of newly declassified documents have inspired him to reconstruct the Stalin-Mao-Kim relationship during the formative years of the PRC. 相似文献
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Linda Gail Arrigo 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1-2):21-44
AbstractThis is an article about gut feelings: The kind of gut feeling you get when you step out of an elegant wood-paneled coffee shop in Taipei, where you have sipped a dense European brew at U.S. $6.00 for a small cup, and are assaulted by a whirl of grit and trash in the humid eddies of air, the noxious fumes of motorcycles, and the growl and honk of nearby traffic. The mounting nausea you feel when you cannot avoid eyeing slop spilled from restaurant pails left for pickup by pig farms, mounds of used styrofoam bowls and drink cartons, mangy dogs rooting in the corner garbage heaps awaiting early morning collection, and scraps of rotting wood and rusting metal from long-abandoned carts. The unease you feel when you seek escape from the congested city center and find debris from construction sites egregiously scattered in supposedly scenic spots, and industrial and household waste piled up on every otherwise open piece of land, whether vacant lot or graveyard knoll. The choke and dry cough that becomes habitual after a few days of too many hours in stop-and-go city traffic, evenings of endless banquets with chain smokers, and nights in which the smoke of chemical emissions from faraway factories—venting illegally but with impunity under cover of darkness—seeps into your apartment, where you thought you were safe with your cool tiled floors and humming air conditioners. 相似文献
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Elinor Lerner 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):43-56
AbstractChalmers Johnson's book Peasant Nationalism and Communist Power is important for several reasons. It is a complete reinterpretation of events of the Chinese revolution, presenting the revolution as merely another form of nationalist development of the modern nation-state. And it has had an enormous impact in the academic community. Most of the major works on this period of Chinese history are to some extent answers to Johnson. And its effect has extended beyond the field of Chinese studies. Almost all other studies of peasant mass movements and contemporary social change at least acknowledge Johnson's thesis and make some attempt to deal with it. 相似文献
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菲律宾作为农业国家,经济发展落后,粮食产量供不应求。菲律宾忽视农业的制度安排导致粮食国际购买力下降,贫困率居高不下,并且一直威胁着菲律宾的粮食安全。菲律宾历届政府试图通过一系列的经济改革和土改制度安排来解决粮食危机,但效果不尽人意。本文通过对菲律宾粮食安全和土地改革的分析,发现土地改革政策的不彻底性、短期性、滞后性使政策效果大打折扣,贫困农民并没能从改革中真正获得好处。只有重视并维护农业的基础地位,彻底解决土地分配不公现象,通过全面配套改革措施,才能真正实现菲律宾粮食安全。 相似文献
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