Deforestation in the Postwar Philippines,by David M. Kummer,Power from the Forest,by Marites Danguilan Vitug; Hope for the Seeds,by Vincent Busch

Abstract

During the second half of the twentieth century, the forests of the Philippines have been destroyed at an unprecedented rate. In 1934, 57.3 percent of the total land area of the Philippines was classified as forest land. Sixty years later that figure had dropped to only 13.5 percent. Many observers believe that parts of the country are on the brink of ecological collapse and that, if the country is to remain habitable, drastic action is needed to protect the remaining forests and rehabilitate the ones that have been destroyed. Furthermore, the destruction of the forests has been highly detrimental to many of the country's indigenous people, whose way of life depends on access to forest resources.     

Illusions of Influence; The Political Economy of United States Philippines Relations, 1942–1960, by Nick Cullather; Managing Nationalism: United States National Security Council Documents on the Philippines, 1953–1960, by Nick Cullather,ed.

Abstract

Nick Cullather has mined archives in the United States and the Philippines, many of them recently opened, to produce these two books. Both volumes provide much new evidence on and many important insights into the U.S.-Philippine relationship, but Cullather aspires to do more than this; he claims to offer an alternative interpretation of that relationship, challenging the view shared by dependency theorists in the United States and nationalist historians in the Philippines.     

Review Essay: The Philippines

Abstract

The five papers gathered together in this book examine events leading up to the declaration of martial law in the Philippines by President Ferdinand E. Marcos on September 21, 1972, and the nature of the authoritarian regime that has been in power since that date. They were first presented at the 1974 meetings of the Association of Asian Studies, although the editor indicates that they have been updated to include relevant events through May, 1978.     

American neo-colonialism in the Philippines

Abstract

This is one of those rare books that are small in size but heavy in substance and should be read and studied widely. It presents a well-documented indictment of American neocolonialist imperialism in the Philippines since its independence in 1946. Several earlier works have described in detail the classical form of American imperialism in the Philippines through military conquest and direct colonial rule and have helped suggest a close parallel between the conduct of the Philippine-American war and the American-Vietnamese war. However, America's continuing, pervasive domination of Philippine national life since 1946 has not been well appreciated except by a few perceptive and persistent observers of the Philippine scene. The neocolonial status of the Philippines in relation to the United States has generally remained concealed behind the facade of Philippine “independence” and “sovereignty.” Filipino presidents and other members of the Philippine establishment have helped hide the truth by proclaiming pro-Americanism as the cornerstone of their policy. President Manuel Roxas in 1946 not only vindicated American rule over the Philippines by expressing gratitude for Dewey's victory over the Spanish forces in 1898, but also affirmed close alignment with the United States in foreign affairs. This has meant that not only did the Philippines refuse to affirm Afro-Asian solidarity but, worse, it often took a simulated “initiative” in putting forth proposals designed to subserve American cold war interests. One example was the proposed Pacific Pact of 1950, calculated to stem Chinese communist “expansion.” Close alignment with the United States discredited the Philippines as odd-man-out in Asia. In the Philippines itself, the perpetuation of American dominance had tragic effects for the Filipino people and the Philippine nation-state. Foreign observers, especially from non-aligned countries, were puzzled and angered by the pro-Americanism of Philippine foreign policy. Filipinos themselves vented their frustration and fury in an intellectual, nationalist outburst against the lingering “colonial mentality.”     

Additional source materials on Philippine radical movements

Abstract

William Pomeroy's bibliographical essay is useful for future scholarship. I would, however, like to offer some supplementary information based upon my research and writing about radical peasant movements in the Philippines for the 1944-56 period. There is a wealth of information to explore, both in the Philippines and in the United States, and there is hope that radical movements in the Philippines will be given the proper recognition they deserve. In particular, the post-World War II Huk movement has been pictured for too long simply in terms of a counter-insurgency problem for the Philippine and United States governments. Using alternative sources, the Huks can be seen from the perspective of the participants themselves.     

Some Long-term Effects of U.S. Control of the Philippines

Abstract

To review some of the long term effects of American colonialism in the Philippines—the only Asian country that we ever directly subordinated to a formal colonial status—will enable us to gain a more vivid, personal appreciation of the record that we have made in another Southeast Asian country during this century.     

A Precarious Path: The Evolution of Civil–Military Relations in the Philippines

Abstract

In the Philippines, the armed forces have played a major role in the country's authoritarian past. Yet despite the advent of democracy, vestiges of authoritarianism have continued to linger. This article analyzes the successes and failures in the efforts of Philippine civilians to gain authority over their military in five areas of political decision making, with the objective of achieving consolidated democratic rule. The article argues that in the Philippines, civilians have made genuine progress in curtailing the influence of military in certain areas, while in others, the armed forces continue to challenge civilian prerogatives. The article concludes that the ability of the Philippine military to continue acting in breach of civilian supremacy in certain areas reflects an impediment to democratically elected authorities' power to govern effectively.     

Killing the messenger: Environmental reporters under fire in the Philippines

Abstract

In much of the world, reporting on the environment is like reporting on motherhood. It cuts across all political, economic, and social lines, and it's a safe beat. This is not true in the Philippines, where being an environmental reporter means taking on the richest and most powerful forces in the country. It can be, as one reporter put it, “bad for your health.” More to the point, in the Philippines environmental reporting is a life-and-death issue.     

Post-authoritarian Indonesia

Abstract

The article assesses the post-authoritarian situation in Indonesia in the light of experiences of Thailand and the Philippines, two societies in which the unraveling of authoritarianism has been followed by the rise of formal electoral politics. The authors suggest that the demise of authoritarian regimes in all three cases, born of the cold war, has more fundamentally seen the reconfiguration of politics in which dispersed, predatory, and frequently antidemocratic forces have appropriated the institutions and discourses of democracy. They also suggest that the Indonesian case has been less conducive to the emergence of effective pro-democracy, civil society-based movements in the wake of authoritarianism. This, they explain, is largely the consequence of the 1965 anticommunist massacres in Indonesia, which has no equivalence in the other two countries, and the resultant highly centralized authoritarianism that was more successful in disorganizing social and political opposition for three decades.     

Communications: Exchange on the Philippines

Abstract

In the December 1973 issue you printed an article by Ms. Luzviminda Francisco in which she attempted to sketch in the “nature of America's policy of aggression, the depth of popular mass resistance to the American forces and the duration of the struggle….” (p. 3) in order to move against “Filipino false consciousness” (p. 2) of the American connection in the history of the Philippines. It is a brief survey and rather well done, although one may quibble about the relationship of excesses (what a tame word compared to the record she presents!) of war and the nature of imperialism as well as implying that there was a “nation,” a “Philippine society,” or a “national struggle” (p. 3) before the late 19th century, at the earliest.     

The Philippines: Another Vietnam?

Abstract

The historic relationship between the U.S. and the Philippines today gives an exceptional importance to the massive economic and strategic legacy of over 70 years of American domination of that nation. Apart from its prime significance to the future of American military power in Asia after the Indochina debacle, the Philippines is the most important example of a sustained U.S. effort to transform a Third World country in its own image. Now, with a martial-law regime's fate very much in doubt and the U.S.'s economic investments and military bases all hanging in the balance, the objective pressures for a potentially open-ended American commitment to preserve its interests and credibility in yet one more Asian nation are again re-emerging in a form substantially more compulsive than those in Indochina before 1965.     

Living in the Shadow of Violence: Local Civil–Military Engagement during Anti-Communist Insurgency Operations in the Philippines

Abstract

The Philippine approach to the anti-communist insurgency after 1986 has featured peace talks with the rebels, amnesty and livelihood packages, and strengthened security forces. While the military has remained central to the counterinsurgency campaign, the government has also institutionalized police involvement in conducting operations and requested input from local civilian authorities in paramilitary recruitment and human rights monitoring. Legal restrictions against human rights violations by soldiers were also established. The experience of 20 frontline communities in central Philippines reflects these changes. Local civil-military interaction has moved from confrontation to consultation and accommodation. However, tension remains because the military and civilian leaders disagree on the gravity of the insurgent threat.     

The Unruly Past: History and Historiography of the 1932 Thai Revolution

ABSTRACT

The monarchy and the country’s military dominate discussions of Thai political history. The country’s democratic history meanwhile is much less well known. To many people, historiography – the history of the writing of history – is a dull affair that only concerns academics. But the changing representations of the origins of democracy in the 1932 revolution that ended the absolute monarchy show the politics of history as a continuous problem that still shapes Thai society. The interpretations have been bound to the bitter partisanship that has accompanied a history of political instability. This article examines the changing interpretations of 1932 in their historical contexts and demonstrates the central antagonism towards the ideal of popular sovereignty, despite its long history in the country, that is still held by the military and monarchic elite.     

Struggles for land and livelihood

Abstract

Scholars, policy practitioners, and political activists alike have had difficulty grappling with the complex dynamics that have unfolded over the past decade and a half in Philippine banana plantations in the context of the 1988 agrarian reform law. While some focus their attention exclusively on land redistribution issues, others concentrate on the modalities of contract farming and still others emphasize trade union issues — all to the neglect of underlying agrarian dynamics. Relatively few have attempted a more integrated examination of developments in this sector of the Philippine economy. The still-limited availability of studies of land-reform-related experiences in agribusiness plantations outside the Philippines further constrains our understanding of the issues arising in Philippine plantations. This article tries to build on and deepen previous attempts at understanding the complex and confusing dynamics involving the banana elite, the state, and various segments of organized farmworkers and to fill in an important gap in the literature, using an integrated, rights-based, and process-oriented historical-institutional approach. It cites two reasons for an unexpectedly contingent land reform process in commercial banana farms in the Philippines: (1) the surprisingly unsettled character of the prevailing political-legal institutional environment within which land and livelihood struggles are playing out, and (2) the diverse perceptions among farmworkers of the meaning and purpose of, and opportunity for, land reform.     

VIOLENCE AND THE SUHARTO REGIME'S WONDERLAND

Abstract

In this brief of an international fact-finding mission to the Philippines, Jennifer Franco reports on the killings of peasants demanding the implementation of agrarian reform allegedly by members of the military. In early June 2006, Franco took part in a fact-finding mission to investigate such killings in Bondoc Peninsula in the southern part of the island of Luzon and in Davao del Norte in the eastern portion of the southern island of Mindanao.     

Amerasian children: Living legacy in the Philippines

Abstract

For nearly fifty years, the largest U.S. military bases outside U.S. territory were to be found in the Philippines. However, the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo led to the closing of Clark Air Base in 1991, and the rejection by the Philippine Senate in September 1991 of a new Bases Treaty led to the closure of Subic Naval Base in November 1992.     

Tasks of the Communist Party of the Philippines in the new situation

Abstract

The setting up of the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship through the declaration of an “unlimited form of martial law” and under the fascist principle that “all power can be given to the military” has brought about a new situation. Through the crude employment of armed coercion, dictator Marcos as commander-in-chief has arrogated unto himself and concentrated in his hands all executive, legislative and judicial powers. All of these powers are used not only against the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People's Army but also against the broad masses of the people and all opposition to the perpetuation of a fascist dictatorship. Upon the setting up of this fascist dictatorship, the objective conditions for a civil war of a national scale have arisen. The entire Filipino people vehemently condemn the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship as anti-national, anti-republican, anti-democratic and decadent and are more determined than ever before to struggle for national democracy and, therefore, for a genuine republic that belongs to them.     

Is the Filipino Diaspora a Diaspora?

ABSTRACT:

Despite the widespread popularity of the discourse on diasporas since the 1980s, the recognition of a Filipino diaspora in the wider Anglophone scholarly world did not occur until the mid 2000s. A major factor for this recognition was the considerable number of scholarly works on Filipino Americans produced largely by Filipino American scholars who used diaspora as theoretical frame starting in the late 1990s. Grappling with the realities of the global migrations of Filipinos, the Philippine state and Filipinos in the Philippines and in other parts of the world also began to deploy the diaspora discourse. This article analyzes the ways in which the discursive fields in the US and in the Philippines have converged or diverged. Although diaspora can be a problematic concept, the author examines methodological issues that focus not so much on identities but on the imagined and constructed collectivity within which the putative diasporan identity of Filipinos is embedded. Without reducing diaspora to a reifying checklist, the author explores the Filipino diaspora discourse along these five dimensions: (a) population dispersal from an original homeland, real or imagined; (b) a process of diasporization; (c) ongoing relationship with the homeland, nurtured by collective memory or mythology; (d) idealization of return to the homeland; and (e) self-awareness or collective consciousness that is intergenerational and interrelated to coethnics and compatriots within the diaspora.     

Agrarian transition in the southern Philippines: more than poverty,dispossession, and violence

ABSTRACT

On the southern Philippine island of Mindanao, scholars have documented a precarious land tenure, livelihood, and security situation for many smallholders. Agrarian political economy studies provide insightful analyses of the underlying causes of much poverty and violence on the island. Less attention has been given to cases of smallholder success. This article proposes that conditions for smallholder farming, even among ethnic minority groups, are more varied across the island than the literature suggests. In upland villages of north-central Mindanao, agrarian transition is a multi-directional process that produces different outcomes among households, kin groups, and villages. The main case study is a thriving mixed swidden and fixed field Maranao-Muslim farming village. Almost all the households in the village have successfully claimed land as their own and diversified and improved their livelihoods in recent times. To explain these positive outcomes, the article uses a relational approach and draws on anthropological literature on kinship, land tenure, and place to assess the bargaining power of smallholders in land deals. A stronger cross-fertilization of key insights in agrarian political economy and anthropological literature on kinship enriches the debate on agrarian transition in the southern Philippines.     

Secondary Precarity in Asia: Family Vulnerability in an Age of Unfree Labour

ABSTRACT

Scholarly discussions of precarious work have identified and analysed the conditions and structures that produce precarity, the contextual nuances that characterise worker relations across a range of sites and sectors and the possibilities of resistance by the precariat. In these studies, workers are often discussed with inadequate attention to their social embeddedness. Taking workers’ embeddedness in social relations and norms as a starting point for analysis, this article explores a secondary aspect of precarity amongst families of exploited workers. This aspect is analysed according to three registers of vulnerability and risk: economic (household and livelihood), intimate (anxiety and negative emotional relations) and physical (mobility and movement). The article outlines this framework through a case study of trafficked fishers and their families from Cambodia and the Philippines. Human trafficking is an extreme form of precarious labour, characterised by unfreedom and hyper-exploitation. The article contributes to the understanding of the trafficking of migrant fishers, which has not seen rigorous academic documentation and is relatively poorly understood in comparison to other forms of trafficking.