荆棘与鲜血之路通向何方?

本文首先回顾了东帝汶问题形成的历史,其次将１９９８ 年６ 月以来东帝汶问题的发展分为三个阶段,即讨论自治问题阶段、讨论独立问题阶段和实现投票公决阶段,并从东帝汶本地区的形势、印尼国内状况、国际社会影响三方面分析了印尼政府改变对东帝汶政策的原因。文章的第三部分着重分析了影响东帝汶独立问题的主要因素,指出印尼国内政治对于东帝汶问题的解决发挥着重要作用     

The Demography of Genocide in Southeast Asia: The Death Tolls in Cambodia, 1975-79, and East Timor, 1975-80

In this research note Ben Kiernan, director of the Genocide Studies Program at Yale University (www.yale.edu/gsp), scrutinizes estimates of the number of people killed in the two most recent cases of genocidal mass murder in Southeast Asia: Cambodia and East Timor. He concludes that the two cases were proportionately comparable, though many more people died in Cambodia. Each tragedy took the lives of over one-fifth of the population.     

Review essay: Recent books on Indonesia's occupation of East Timor and the East Timorese struggle for self-determination

Abstract

East Timor is the site of one of the great genocides since World War II. Out of a population of about 700,000 at the time of East Timor's brief independence, about 200,000 people have died as a result of the Indonesian invasion and the ensuing war, politically created famine, and the ongoing occupation. From the time of the Indonesian invasion on 7 December 1975 until January 1989 Jakarta kept East Timor closed. Apart from official foreign delegations, some international aid workers, and a limited number of journalists, few were able to enter the territory. On 27 December 1988 the Indonesian authorities accorded East Timor open-territory status following a one-day visit in November to the territory by Indonesian president Suharto. Jakarta was keen on encouraging foreign and “domestic” (Indonesian) investment in its “twenty-seventh province” as well as presenting an image to the outside world of normalcy in East Timor. On both accounts, Jakarta has largely failed in its objectives. The ongoing resistance by the East Timorese people to Indonesian hegemony and the concomitant political instability in East Timor as well as the relative poverty and isolation of the territory have prevented the influx of private capital. In terms of international opinion, the “opening up” of East Timor has not helped to suppress the image of the brutal nature of Indonesia's illegal occupation of the territory.     

“We All Make Mistakes”: the Communist Party of Australia and Khrushchev's Secret Speech, 1956

This article examines the impact of the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on the Communist Party of Australia (CPA). Specifically it focuses on the reverberations of Khrushchev's “secret speech” within the CPA leadership for the first six months of 1956. It argues that, in contrast to the received wisdom, the response of the leadership was characterised by confusion rather than consistency, division rather than unanimity. This had implications for CPA members as they struggled to come to terms with the line of the leadership and the authenticity or otherwise of the New York Times version of Khrushchev's speech. The words of [Khrushchev's] speech were like bullets, and each found its place in the hearts of the veteran Communists. Tears streamed down the faces of men and women who had spent forty or more years, their whole adult lives, in the movement […]. 1     

从印尼社会特点看伊斯兰教与政治的关系

印度尼西亚是世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,但伊斯兰教在政治中的影响较小.这是由印尼社会的特点决定的.印尼是多元种族社会,主张融和的爪哇文化占主导地位,印尼穆斯林大都属名义穆斯林,加之威权政治下的弱政党制度,使得印尼人更拥护潘查希拉而不是伊斯兰教为立国基础.     

在华的印尼新娘:商品化婚姻、人口贩卖与骗婚

印尼在华的合约新娘问题引起了中国、印尼政府与社会的广泛关注。中印尼经济发展的差距、非法中介谋求暴利和印尼新娘对富裕生活的向往,成为在华印尼新娘群体日益扩大的动因。在华的印尼新娘问题并不是单一的社会问题,其中杂糅了商品化婚姻、人口贩卖和婚姻诈骗等问题,处理起来千头万绪,十分棘手。稍有不慎,极有可能成为第二个"印尼的中国劳工问题"。因此,在解决在华的印尼新娘问题时,中国应完善涉外婚姻法,加强与印尼的合作,严厉打击从事非法涉外婚姻介绍的个人或组织,严厉惩治人口贩卖,及时解救被贩人员,建立健全跨国婚姻纠纷应对机制,尽快形成两国婚姻信息的互通机制及查询制度,共同扩建自由婚姻领域,促进跨国婚姻的和谐稳定。     

Jeremy Bentham,John Stuart Mill and the Secret Ballot: Insights from Nineteenth Century Democratic Theory

As part of a series of demands for political reform in Britain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, Jeremy Bentham famously made a case for use of the secret ballot in elections. The advocacy of Bentham and his disciples on this issue fed into broader and at times robust public debate, particularly in the 1830s. On the opposite side of this debate was another leading political theorist, John Stuart Mill, who opposed secret ballot reform. This paper re‐examines the contours of this debate, making the case that it has important implications for contemporary political theory and debates about democracy. Firstly, and in terms of making sense of the debate itself, it points to the need to make a distinction between the “voter intimidation” argument and the Benthamite preference aggregation argument. Secondly, it suggests that distinguishing between vote‐buying and voter's dependence provides support for defenders of the secret ballot. Thirdly, it demonstrates the potential application of the idea of voting held in “trust” to the so‐called boundary problem in democratic theory. Finally, it points to the potentially wide but overlooked application of the Chartist idea of open voting (allowing the oppressed to identify their allies) in contemporary political theory.     

Drawing the Line: Sex Education and Homosexuality in South Australia, 1985

This paper examines a specific controversy over the control and content of sex education in South Australia in 1985 that was triggered by concerns about homosexuality. Drawing on Foucault's idea of the "deployment of sexuality", the paper examines the way in which the issue of homosexuality became the focal point for a concerted struggle over sex education in state schools. It is argued that the idea of homosexuality, or more accurately male homosexual sexuality, served as a boundary marker that both defined and revealed the content and scope of school-based sex education. It is shown that this controversy was an instance of the "deployment of sexuality" through which public opinion was concentrated and mobilised to ensure that prevailing heterosexual norms remained the defining parameters for sex education. Thus it is also demonstrated that sex education is deeply implicated in both the construction and maintenance of prevailing (gendered) sexual norms.