印尼贫困问题研究

在发展中国家,由于生产力水平低下,政府腐败无能,分配不公等原因,贫困就像一座大山,压得广大中下层人民喘不过气来.如何消除贫困既是一个经济问题,更是一个社会政治问题,一个国家的政府如果不能有效地解决贫困问题,没有能力让广大人民群众过上衣食无忧的日子,那么,这个政府就没有资格执政.所以,在广大发展中国家,衡量一个政府是好政府还是坏政府,首要的标准,就是看她是否真正有能力解决贫困问题,是否真正有能力解决人民群众的吃饭穿衣等民生问题.     

American sociologists on Indonesia - A comment

“Liberalism manifests itself in various ways. To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong, and refrain from principled argument because he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close friend, a loved one, an old colleague or old subordinate. Or to touch on the matter lightly instead of going into it thoroughly, so as to keep on good terms.”

Mao Tse-tung, Combat Liberalism, September 7th, 1937.

     

印尼的地方自治:实践与挑战

地方自治是民主治理的重要手段.法制构建、政治参与和地方税收是地方自治是否成功的重要指标.印尼地方自治的发展,一方面遏制了地方分离主义运动,另一方面调动了地方政府的积极性.但政党利益、地方滥权是地方自治面临的挑战.     

An introduction to the articles on Indonesia

Abstract

In May 1987, general elections will be held in Indonesia. These will be the fifth such elections since the country's independence in 1945, and the contesting parties will be the government electoral organization, GOLKAR, which convincingly won the last elections, the largely Muslim PPP (Unity Development party), and the small Christian and nationalist PDI (Indonesian Democratic party). After the previous elections in 1982, the Indonesian government made the claim that the proceedings had been “direct, general, free and secret,” and indeed it was difficult to find more than incidental evidence of fraud or manipulation in the conduct of the poll itself. However, this attempt by “Pancasila Democracy” to claim kinship with the Western democratic tradition studiously ignored the context of political restriction which has operated in Indonesia for the last three decades. Since such claims are likely to be revised after the coming elections to suggest that the power of the New Order government of President Suharto rests on the active consent of the people, the editors of the Bulletin have thought it appropriate to devote this issue to a closer examination of the recent political history of Indonesia.     

Indonesia: The politics of inclusion

Much commentary on Indonesian politics since the fall of President Suharto in May 1998 has suggested that Indonesia's political system has remained just as exclusionary as it was prior to his fall, despite becoming much more democratic and decentralised. In contrast to this view, we argue that Indonesia's political system has become more inclusive, if only somewhat more so. The fall of Suharto and the subsequent process of democratisation have removed key obstacles to organisation by poor and disadvantaged groups and their NGO allies, making it easier for them to engage in collective action aimed at achieving pro-poor policy change. By making attainment of political office dependent on the support of the voting public, many of whom are poor and disadvantaged, these developments have also created an incentive for politicians to pursue policy changes that favour these groups or at least that appeal to them. At the same time, however, we argue that poor and disadvantaged groups have not become major players in the policy-making process. Despite the fall of Suharto and democratisation, these groups continue to lack the resources possessed by other participants in the policy-making process. Whereas the politico-bureaucrats and well-connected business groups have been able to exercise influence over policy by buying support within representative bodies such as parliament and mobile capital controllers, the IFIs and Western governments have been able to exercise influence by virtue of their structural power, poor and disadvantaged groups have had to rely on less potent ways of exercising influence such as holding demonstrations, engaging in lobbying activity and participating in public debates. We illustrate these points with reference to two policy issues: land reform and mining in protected forests. The article concludes by considering the future prospects for inclusive policy-making in Indonesia.     

Political imprisonment in Indonesia

Abstract

In a world where so much is spoken and written about the problem of political persecution and in particular political imprisonment, it is a strange fact that so little is known about the case of Indonesia. Yet in terms of the number of people involved, the long-drawn out nature of the problem, the treatment inflicted upon the prisoners, and the refusal of the authorities to apply judicial and humanitarian standards, Indonesia presents one of the most pressing and desperate situations.     

Politics in Indonesia: Current State and Future Outlook

Indonesia's sixth and first directly elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and his vice president, Jusuf Kalla, symbolically represent the social power of the military and business elite who was nurtured during the Suharto era. The “Unity Cabinet” of the new administration reflects not just the division of labor between the president and vice-president, but the division of power among contending parties that make up the still-mutating ruling and opposition alliances. The subsequent neutralizing of the leading Muslim social organization Nahdlatul Ulama, the collapse of the opposition alliance, and personnel changes in the military have given the current administration a measure of stability, even as the challenges of implementing a lasting solution to the conflict in Aceh and of putting Indonesia back on the track of viable economic growth depend on the as-yet untested leadership of the president.     

冷战后东南亚的民族分离主义运动--以印度尼西亚为例

自20世纪90年代末以来,东南亚的民族分离主义运动不断发展,尤以印度尼西亚为典型.这种发展有着复杂的原因,其中最根本的还在于不同地区和不同民族之间在"中心"与"边缘"关系上存在着巨大的社会经济差异与不均衡性.因此,减少这种不均衡性,将有助于解决印尼乃至整个东南亚地区的民族分离主义问题.     

Indonesia: Recent events and future challenges

The Asian financial crisis of 1997 and ensuing collapse of the 32-year dictatorship of Soeharto led Indonesia into chaos. Professor Takashi Shiraishi of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, outlines the events within Indonesia since the October 1999 presidential elections and examines some of the major issues that confront the government under President Abdurrahman Wahid. Given the enormity of political challenges, economic crisis, ethnic and religious conflicts and separatist movements, Professor Shiraishi argues that the prospects for recovery and development in Indonesia in the near future are not good.     

菲律宾与印尼军人政治参与的比较

印度尼西亚与菲律宾是有着相似历史和相同政体的东南亚国家,军人在政治生活中起着重要作用是两国政治的共同特点.但由于国家独立过程和两国文化等的差异,两国军人政治又呈现出不同的发展态势.本文主要分三个历史阶段对两国军人政治参与进行比较分析,并对军人干政的共性进行了总结.     

印尼在东盟的地位和作用的变化

金融危机后印尼在东盟的地位和作用被削弱.在目前乃至今后相当长一段时间内,印尼政府将会把主要精力和时间放在处理国内事务上.虽然在印尼对外政策中东盟仍占有重要地位,但它已不是印尼政府优先考虑的目标了.目前重要的事情是重新恢复地区和国际社会对印尼的信心,重塑印尼的形象.     

India and Indonesia: Reliable Partners in an Uncertain Asia

The India-Indonesia strategic engagement is both a reflection of as well as a response to the changing politico-strategic landscape of Asia during the post-Cold War era and the first decade of the twenty-first century. The partnership has emerged out of growing concerns about prevailing strategic uncertainty in Asia and the mutual desire of benefitting from the Asian stories of growth, integration, and development. Moreover, two decades of the multi-pronged strategies of engagement under India's Look East Policy have not only broadened the canvas of the engagement but also placed the relationship in the broader strategic context of Asia, a discourse once advocated aggressively by the two leaders of the two countries—Nehru and Sukarno.     

关于印尼华人融入当地主流社会的问卷调查

印尼苏哈托政权垮台后 ,先后诞生了瓦希德政府和梅加瓦蒂政府 ,华人社会发生了巨大而深刻的变化。华人在政治、经济、社会文化等方面融入当地主流社会的程度如何 ?笔者就此作了两次社会调查。这里 ,将两次调查的结果加以分析 ,仅供大家参考。