Transatlantic cooperation on terrorism and Islamist radicalisation in Africa: the Franco-American axis

Transatlantic cooperation on security has a long history. In Africa, transatlantic cooperation on security is basically between France and the United States. This paper asks why the two former competitors in Africa started to cooperate and also why they are so willing to engage militarily. The central argument in this paper poses that France and the US cooperate because it is indispensable to both parties. To France, the cooperation is indispensable because the US is the only power with sufficient financial means and with sufficient air-lift capacity to transport French and African troops into conflict-ridden countries. To Washington, cooperation with Paris is indispensable because the French authorities have unique access to intelligence and knowledge about large parts of Africa. By applying a foreign policy analysis framework, the paper analyses how perceptions of decision-makers, the role of personality and leadership, the role of government institutions and political systems have impacted the relevant decisions. It is emphasised that the two different decision-making systems – the French “state dominated” and the American “society dominated” – produce the same result, namely collaboration. It suggests that the perception of a serious threat from terrorism and Islamist radicalisation overrules differences in decision-making systems.     

Deep history and international security: social conditions and competition,militancy and violence in West Africa

Concern about terrorism in, and from, West Africa has prompted both military responses and criticisms of these. Criticism has focused on ‘hegemonic’ international attention to the region, the inappropriateness of a military and a misplaced focus on religion, and specifically Islam, where a range of ethnic, social, economic and historical problems are said to have been the real factors incubating radicalisation and violence—although empirical evidence to support this assertion was absent. We argue that a more nuanced and variegated approach is needed. On one side, contrary to the critics, we show: why international attention is warranted and inevitable, with a specific link to international terrorism (as well as local contexts) since 2001, and why a militarised approach is also relevant; why Islam and a religious focus cannot be completely ignored in assessing militancy and violence in West Africa. On the other, we use original qualitative empirical research to explore beliefs, values and attitudes in the region, which reveals that, across the region, a variety of social issues and perceptions of history are regarded as being salient factors in radicalisation—whether or not that radicalisation leads to violence. Notable among these are a ‘youth bulge’ and youth disaffection and perceptions (no matter their empirical accuracy) concerning the ‘deep history’ of colonialism in the region.     

Militancy in Manipur: origin, dynamics and future

It can be argued with considerable conviction that the origin of militancy in northeastern India's Manipur state is linked to the sense of popular alienation, mostly arising out of New Delhi's delayed decision to grant statehood 23 years after the State decided to merge with the country. At the same time, there are no doubts that the militant outfits are today a pale shadow of the groupings that had actually originated to protect the State's interest. Separatist movements in Manipur today do not seem to represent the people of the State or their interests. Most of the rebel groups have shown signs of having been transformed into criminalised entities mostly engaged in activities that benefit none except for the outfits themselves.     

Yesterday,AIDS and structural violence in South Africa

ABSTRACT

This article is based on a reading of the South African film Yesterday, which deals with the topic of ? AIDS. In the discourse analysis of the film text, the role of signs – verbal, visual and aural – in constructing meaning is examined, as well as the effect of different filming techniques. The film is then related to the broader South African socio-political context. The writer considers how representative Yesterday is of the AIDS situation in South Africa, a question which necessitates going beyond the film text and considering actual events in South Africa, past and present, as well as referring to other relevant examples of AIDS-related discourse.     

International development and the European Union's external policies: changing contexts,problematic nexuses,contested partnerships

This special section explores and explains how the European Union's (EU's) overall approach to international development has evolved since the beginning of the twenty-first century. At the international level, the rise of a group of emerging economies has not only provided developing countries with greater choices, but has also further enhanced their agency, thus questioning the EU's leadership and even relevance in international development. At the European level, the various (paradigmatic) shifts in each of the three key external policies—trade, security and foreign policy—and the EU's aspiration to project a coherent external action have collided with the EU's commitment to international development. Numerous tensions characterize the various nexuses in EU external relations, which ultimately challenge the EU's international legitimacy and (self-proclaimed) identity as a champion of the interests of the developing world. Nevertheless, the EU has made more progress than is generally acknowledged in making its external policies more coherent with its development policy. Moreover, the EU's relationship with developing countries has gradually become less asymmetrical, though not because of the EU's emphasis on partnership and ownership but more because of the increased agency of developing countries.     

Islam,Militancy, and Politics in Pakistan: Insights From a National Sample

We use data from an innovative nationally representative survey of 6,000 Pakistanis in April 2009 to study beliefs about political Islam, Sharia, the legitimacy and efficacy of jihad, and attitudes towards specific militant organizations. These issues are at the forefront of U.S. policy towards Pakistan. Four results shed new light on the politics of militancy and Islamic identity in Pakistan. First, there is no relationship between measures of personal religiosity and the likelihood a respondent expresses highly sectarian sentiments. Second, militarized jihad is widely seen as legitimate in Pakistan but there are substantial regional differences in the acceptance of militarized jihad. Third, attitudes towards militant groups vary dramatically across groups, particularly when it comes to the efficacy of their actions. Fourth, while Pakistanis express massive levels of support for Sharia law, this is driven by its perceived connection with good governance, not by sympathy with the goals of militant groups claiming to implement it.     

西非区域意识、民族主义与独立运动

西非区域意识先于西非领地性民族意识出现,二者在历史上既有重合的时候,也有此消彼长的时候,还有互为促进、共同发展的时候.二者的历史渊源相同,并共同促进了西非反抗殖民主义、争取独立的运动.西非知识分子既是这两种意识的代言人,也是西非独立运动的领导者,殖民主义统治加诸在这个阶层的殖民烙印,在特定的历史背景下,使他们难以拒绝以领地为基础的国家民族主义的诉求.     

EU power and armed humanitarianism in Africa: evaluating ESDP in Chad

This article analyses the European Union's (EU's) largest European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) military mission outside Europe to date; Eufor Tchad/RCA was a 3700-strong force involving personnel from 23 states, deployed to Chad and the Central African Republic for 12 months from March 2008. Far from this mission achieving EU ‘supremacy’ or projecting an ‘imperial’ reach, an evaluation of its objectives and achievements reveals acute limitations in the EU's ability to project power. The article analyses the context in which Eufor was conceived and deployed. It notes that the mission's weaknesses, like those of the United Nations mission to whom the EU transferred its security role in 2009, reflected its convoluted origins and objectives. Finally, the article examines whether the EU as a unitary actor has the desire or the ability to ‘replace’ individual European nations—in this case France—in their post-colonial military and ‘humanitarian’ roles in sub-Saharan Africa.     

西亚北非变局对西方的影响

西亚北非发生变局,对相关国家和地区局势发生了巨大和深刻的影响,并对以西方为主导的现有国际秩序产生冲击。而今变局仍在持续、变化和发展之中。国际社会一直对此予以高度关注。有关变局对于相关各方造成的影响,也是值得各方关心和热议的话题。变局将对西方产生何种影响？本文认为应从西方的主要利益关切、西方所依托的主要势力、西方应对变局的做法及效果等方面,加以观察和评判。     

Democratizing security sector governance in West Africa: trends and challenges

While other regions of Africa have had their share of crises, the challenge of meeting numerous security threats has been particularly arduous in West Africa. Nevertheless, there are unmistakable signs that, through its collective regional integration instrument, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the sub-region is beginning to awaken fully to the need to tackle its security crisis. This article makes two interrelated arguments. First, although the creation of democratic spaces in democratizing states, or complete rebuilding of collapsed states, provides greater opportunities for security sector reform (SSR), the relationship between democratization and democratic governance of the security sector is less clear. Second, a combination of norm setting at the sub-regional level as well as activism in the non-governmental sector across the region is driving the move (even if slow and seemingly uncoordinated) toward improved governance, including in the security sector at the national level. However, the commitment of states to principles of good governance at the inter-governmental level does not naturally lead to corresponding change within the state. Therefore, there is a clear need to promote a security sector governance (SSG) agenda at both sub-regional and national levels in order to expand the space for meaningful SSR processes in West Africa.     

Measuring and comparing party ideology in nonindustrialized societies: taking party manifesto research to Africa

Despite a growing interest in African parties, no comparative analyses of African party manifestos have been undertaken to date. This study applies the Manifesto Research Group's (MRG/CMP) coding scheme to a complete set of manifestos in three countries. The study's main aim is to determine whether a research tool that has been seminal in the study of Western politics can be used to advance the study of political parties in nonindustrialized societies. In a first step, the article examines the extent to which African manifestos advance programmatic ideas. The results show great differences across parties and time. The study subsequently investigates how parties position themselves on a right–left spectrum; it further outlines which policy categories African parties stress most. Finally, it examines the stance of individual parties on specific policy issues. The study argues that the MRG coding scheme can contribute to a much more nuanced analysis of African parties.     

2004年西亚非洲中文文献题录(一)

20 0 3年国际恐怖与反恐斗争形势综述 /李　伟 / /国际资料信息 . - 2 0 0 4 ,(1) . - 9- 16美国反恐怖战争第三阶段的政策 /王建平 / /阿拉伯世界 .- 2 0 0 4 ,(2 ) . - 12 - 15恐怖主义的深层原因 /康兴平 / /中国党政干部论坛 . -2 0 0 4 ,(6 ) . - 5 8- 5 9自杀性爆炸恐怖主义的特点 /万　点、潘　莉 / /中国党政干部论坛 . - 2 0 0 4 ,(6 ) . - 6 0 - 6 1欧盟 -非加太新贸易体制谈判及其对发展中国家的影响/郑先武 / /国际论坛 . - 2 0 0 4 ,(2 ) . - 6 8- 72大中东民主的历史“洗礼” /李绍先、张晓东、殷　罡/ /世界知识 . - 2 0 0 4…     

2003年西亚非洲中文文献题录(一)

巴格达的快速占领　影响到全世界脉动 /张锡模 //中阿文经 . -2 0 0 3 ,( 165) . -18-2 2原教旨、资本主义与圣战 /黄凤礼 //明报月刊 . -2 0 0 3 ,( 5) . -54-562 0 0 2年西亚非洲工运总结 /刘积镛 //国际工运 . -2 0 0 3 ,( 1) . -16-19从洛美到科托努———欧盟 -非加太贸易体制从特惠向互惠的历史性转变 /郑先武 //国际问题研究 . -2 0 0 3 ,( 3 ) . -55-59中东的民族主义 :基本类型及世界影响 /田文林 //国际论坛 . -2 0 0 3 ,( 1) . -14 -2 0对中东民族主义的多维思考 /田文林 //世界民族 . -2 0 0 3 ,( 3 ) . -1-12中东恐怖主义产生…     

The dynamics of contemporary local-government policies and economic development in West Papua

There have been enormous political, economic, and social changes in West Papua. Every governor of West Papua has designed programmes to boost economic development and reduce poverty. The influx of migrant workers under the ‘transmigration programme’ into West Papua has limited the job opportunities for indigenous people in the labour market. This article concludes that the local government's strategies failed to deliver suitable development programmes to the local people, which resulted in increased poverty, the continuing poor development of the education system, and the deterioration of the population's health condition, with a rise in the number of Papuans infected with HIV and AIDS.