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Mau-kuei Michael Chang 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3-4):78-81
AbstractHow does the national identity problem affect the process of democratization? Is consensus on national identity a prerequisite for democratization? Alan Wachman writes about the most intractable problem in Taiwan and its implications for understanding democratization in general. He contends that previous studies suggesting the importance of a consensus on national identity for building a democratic system are inapplicable to Taiwan. From 1991 to 1993 Wachman interviewed prominent political figures and scholars of various backgrounds in Taiwan regarding five general questions: (I) Is it possible to distinguish between Chinese culture and Taiwanese culture? What are the sources of cultural identity for Taiwanese and Mainlanders? (2) How should we regard China in the present era? Is it a culture, a people, or a place? (3) To what degree is democracy compatible with Chinese culture? (4) How should the matter of Taiwan's political status be resolved? Is democracy a means or an end? (5) To what degree does the inability to resolve the matter of national identity impede the development of democracy in Taiwan? 相似文献
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韩国文化认同和国家品牌 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
韩国政府在制定国家品牌形象战略的过程中,缺乏对国家品牌哲学和韩国文化美学的真诚反省。本文将探讨通过确立文化认同建立韩国国家品牌这一课题。为此,笔者将从三方面进行论述:第一,考察传统文化和国家认同的相互关系;第二,讨论关于对传统文化的再认识和将传统文化的哲学和美学符号化的方案;第三,讨论关于通过传统文化和韩流的融合提升国家品牌的方案。 相似文献
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Roman Szporluk 《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):366-374
Before the names of Just and Unjust can have place there must be some coercive force to compel men equally to abide by their covenants by the terrour of a punishment greater than the benefit they expect by the breach of their covenant… So that the nature of Justice consisteth not in keeping of valid covenants: but the Validity of Covenants begins not but with the Constitution of a Civill power sufficient to compel men to keep them. Thomas Hobbes, 1651 相似文献
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Ning Liao 《East Asia》2013,30(2):139-160
By tracing the origin and evolution of Chinese nationalism, this paper finds that the dialectical relationship between the Chinese “self” and the foreign “other” has provided the cultural-institutional context for the construction of its national identity. The positional change of the Chinese actor in the self-other interaction—resulting from the institutional shift from the tianxia order to the Westphalian system—and the consequent national humiliation have been embedded in the Chinese collective memory and given rise to the consensual norms ingrained in the national identity. Viewed through the lens of political sociology and identity politics, China’s tenacious struggle for national rejuvenation can be construed as a social practice guided by these memory-encoded social norms. Due to the protracted and ambivalent nature of the state’s purposive action in attaining great-power status on the international stage, the confidence of the resurgent state is compromised by an acute sense of frustration. This identity predicament has engendered a peculiar Chinese state emotion, which has profoundly influenced the in-group members’ evaluation and perception of out-group entities and their behavior in the antagonistic intergroup relations. 相似文献
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要展望某一种三角关系,首先要弄清楚这一三角关系的构成要件是什么,然后根据这些要件一一检视.本文将沿着这一思路,对中美日三角关系及其未来进行探讨. 相似文献
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近年来,远东地区在俄罗斯国家发展战略和对外战略中的地位出现了上升的趋势,这种变化源于对广义和狭义的远东地区的特殊政治经济条件的深入理解.本文指出,远东地区各大国的复杂的安全认知使得这一地区出现了理性国际格局形成的趋势和重新加强结盟以防范对手的趋势同时并存的局面.这种局面表明,远东地区真正的安全合作构架尚在萌芽状态之中.由此,各国一方面应警惕重返冷战旧辙的可能,另一方面更应看到经济上和政治上的互补性和交融性所展示的合作的机会.目前重要的问题是如何抓紧时机,使这一地区的内部发展和跨国合作能够进一步地形成互动. 相似文献
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近世日本通过政治强制建立起来的身份制度以保障武士、领主和德川幕府的利益为根本旨归,而商品经济的发展却导致了武士的贫困化和豪农豪商的崛起,这种经济实力的逆转使近世日本的身份制度走向动摇,武士的优位因缺少经济力量的支撑而难以得到保障,下级武士在经济利益和思想意识上与豪农豪商日益一致,并在幕末民族危机的历史背景下结成联盟,成为推翻德川幕府的重要力量。 相似文献
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后冷战时期波兰的民族认同与俄罗斯观 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
民族认同的建构与民族的"他者"的变化互联互动。俄罗斯在波兰民族认同的建构和发展过程中,始终以"他者"的角色而存在,对后者发挥着关键性的影响作用。就波兰人的民族认同来说,俄罗斯的负面形象发挥着布迪厄所说的"文化资本"的功能。后冷战时期的波兰完全放弃了关于其身份和在国际体系中地位的旧有观念,其民族认同与民族意识发生了显著的变化。剧变后的俄罗斯的民主化转型,深刻影响着后冷战时期波兰的俄罗斯观的转变和波俄关系的调整。 相似文献
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