试论韩国流行歌曲通过新媒体传播的特征——以歌手“Psy”的说唱歌曲《江南style》的表演特色为例

本文旨在对Psy的神曲《江南style》之所以能够风靡世界的原因进行考察.首先对Psy的成长过程和首尔江南地区的社会文化特征,以及Psy现有的歌曲进行了探讨,发现在身为在韩国最富有的地区之一、消费文化中心的江南长大的Psy充分调动自身内在的江南文化和非江南文化的双重性格,吸引了大众的关注.然后,我们通过对《江南style》的歌词和MV的分析,指出了非江南人对江南style的追求欲望贯穿始终.最后,我们对《江南style》的歌曲、舞蹈,以及贯穿其中的精神能够通过YouTube这个新媒体传播到世界各地的这一充满时代性的大众文化及其意义进行了考察.     

建构认知——评丹尼尔·帕帕的《当代国际关系》

国际关系的基本政治环境是“安全困境”(security dilemma)。当今世界任何一个国家都不可能处在绝对安全环境中。①在国际安全困境中,各国都努力寻求摆脱困境的途径,以影响对本国安全构成威胁的环境。对于国际安全环境的理解,不同的研究取向产生不同的分析方法。理想主义学派强调把各国之间的相互依存视为维护本国安全的“公共产品”。而建构主义者认为“规范、秩序和价值观念制约国家对外政策的制订,甚至可以改变对国家利益本身的建构”。②丹尼尔.帕帕在其新版《当代国际关系:认知建构》③一书中,结构性地论述了影响当代国际关系的诸多因…     

Backlash Reconsidered: Neoliberalism and Popular Mobilization in Bolivia

This article argues that the common narrative of a Bolivian backlash against neoliberalism should be reconsidered in light of the continuities and mutual constraints between popular mobilization and neoliberal policy reforms. The study draws on literature that conceptualizes neoliberalism as a particular construction of state and social forms; but unlike those works, it includes an analysis of International Monetary Fund policy shifts to understand how popular mobilization constrains policy implementation. Responding to popular mobilization between 1985 and 2006, the IMF came to accept divergence from orthodox policy in order to encourage political stability. The government of Evo Morales and the IMF are mutually constrained by concern for the investment climate. This study further advocates that analysts probe beyond simple binary divisions between “neoliberalism” and “alternatives” and look more seriously for pragmatic strategies for negotiating neoliberal spaces.     

Race in the Andes: Global Movements and Popular Ontologies

Abstract — Race, long discounted in Andean ethnography as relatively unimportant, is a social fact of great salience in the Andes. This essay introduces the articles in the special issue on race in the Andes with an overview of the interrelated intellectual histories of racism in the Andes, Europe and North America, from colonial proto-racism, to the totalising theories of the 19th century, to the heterogeneous 'neo-racism' found in the Andes today, in which both these earlier ideas and contemporary cultural racisms are at home. It concludes with a discussion of an oppositional ideology found in some indigenous communities, in which race is somatic but not biological in origin.     

Information and Values in Popular Protests: Costa Rica in 2000

The mass demonstrations in Costa Rica in 2000 opposing a government initiative to deregulate the electricity and telecommunications markets point to the importance of the paths of communication between the people and government leaders to understand mass political mobilisation. This article explains the surprising reaction of the Costa Rican public by focusing on the unwillingness or inability of the policy-makers to articulate their position in a way acceptable to the citizenry, leaving public space under the dominant influence of social organisations that opposed the initiative.     

Celebrity Politicians: Popular Culture and Political Representation

Considerable political and media attention has focused on the phenomenon of the 'celebrity politician'. As this article illustrates, there are two main variants of the phenomenon. The first is the elected politician or candidate who uses elements of 'celebrityhood' to establish their claim to represent a group or cause. The second is the celebrity—the star of popular culture—who uses their popularity to speak for popular opinion. Both examples have been seen by critics to debase liberal democratic political representation. This article challenges this critique and argues that the celebrity politician is consistent with a coherent account of political representation. This does not mean that all examples of the celebrity politician are to be seen as legitimate, but that the representative claim has to be analysed more carefully and discriminatingly than the critics typically suppose.     

Female Employment in Lithuania: Testing Three Popular Explanations

This article compares three popular explanations for changes in female employment in post-socialist countries: retraditionalization, reserve army of labor, and revalued resources. Although these explanations are complementary in many ways, the retraditionalization thesis seems the most accurate explanation. In the early 1990s, gender-role attitudes were highly traditional, a tendency that might have contributed to the huge decrease in female labor force participation. Despite the changes, the comeback of the male-breadwinner family model is unlikely, since the acceptance of women's working roles is rapidly increasing.     

Entertaining repression: Music and politics in postcolonial Cameroon

This article examines the relationship between musicians andpolitical power in Cameroon in order to make a case for understandingthe dynamics of agency and identity politics among musicians.It argues that politicians in Cameroon have tended to appropriatemusicians and their creative efforts as part of their drivefor power. Some musicians have refused to be at the beck andcall of politicians and have tended to criticize and ridiculethose in power. Others have seen in such invitations an opportunityfor greater recognition and respectability. Some have soughtto straddle both worlds, serving politicians while also pursuingtheir art in the interest of other constituencies. Their differentresponses notwithstanding, there is evidence that the fortunesand statuses of musicians have been transformed with changingpolitical regimes and notions of politics.     

Introduction: The Territory of Identity and Remembrance in Okinawa

Abstract

All Cambodian population statistics, of whatever period, include a large measure of hypothesis, assumption, extrapolation, and pure guesswork, and they may not be adequate for the type of calculations undertaken by either Kiernan or myself.

Ben Kiernan's “Orphans of Genocide: The Cham Muslims of Kampuchea under Pol Pot” (BCAS vol. 20, no. 4, Oct.–Dec. 1988) is an interesting study of the experience of the Chams during 1975–79, and as such makes a valuable contribution to the still too little known social history of Democratic Kampuchea (DK). Unfortunately Kiernan has tinkered with the statistics in a tendentious manner in an attempt to prove the case for genocide in Democratic Kampuchea.