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Nguyen Khac Vien 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):7-11
AbstractBased on Vietnam's experience over the past years, I wish to make some general observations about development in the third world. The major consideration, though not the sole one, for my treating such a topic is undoubtedly my own participation in the Vietnamese experience and my personal familiarity with many of the aspects involved. Furthermore, the historical process has moved so fast over the past years in Vietnam that my country has passed rapidly through a succession of different phases. Over a period of 15 years, an adult would have lived under totally different social, political and economic regimes, directly experiencing such important movements as a war of national liberation, land reform, and the transition from a colonial and feudal regime to an independent and finally socialist state. 相似文献
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Renato Constantino 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):362-369
This article investigates the impact of direct foreign investment (DFI) on the foreign trade of China. It firstly presents a theoretical discussion of the impact of DFI on foreign trade from both macro and micro-economic views, and then provides an empirical study of the role of foreign-invested enterprises in the foreign trade of China. In particular, this article explores transfer pricing by multinational corporations (MNCs), probing their motivations and latitude to practice transfer pricing in the Chinese particular circumstances and examining empirical evidence. 相似文献
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A.J. Stockwell 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):227-242
Anthony Stockwell is Professor of Imperial and Commonwealth History at Royal Holloway, University of London. He was President of the Royal Asiatic Society in 2002–2003 and is currently a Vice-President. His publications include British Policy and Malay Politics during the Malayan Union Experiment (1979) and, as editor, British Documents on End of Empire: Malaya, 1942–1957 (three parts, 1995). He has been joint editor of the Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History since 1990. This is a version of a lecture delivered to the Royal Society for Asian Affairs on 26 February 2003. 相似文献
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Maxi Schoeman 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):73-84
The relationship between Russia and the Central Asian republics during the Soviet era is commonly presented as an imperial one. However, their economic relations did not fit the conventional ‘metropole‐colonies’ framework. The establishment of the CIS in 1991 has heralded a new chapter in relations between the Russian Federation and the Central Asian states. Forces of both repulsion and attraction are at work, the outcome of which remains uncertain. 相似文献
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Kenneth R. Weinstein 《Asia-Pacific Review》2004,11(2):81-95
September 11th dramatically changed the geopolitical landscape for the United States. Though President Bush was elected as a domestic policy president, the war against radical Islam has become the central theme of his presidency. In this war, adhering to the analyses of the neoconservatives, the President believes that the region's tyrannies are a breeding ground for Islamic extremism. Overthrowing Saddam Hussein's tyranny and replacing it with a more democratic regime is the start of a long process of liberalization of the Arab world that will have reverberations for years to come. Though Senator John Kerry has based his 2004 presidential campaign on criticizing President Bush's Iraq policy, if Kerry were elected president, his Iraq policies would actually differ little from those of Bush. 相似文献
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John Ikenberry 《Asia-Pacific Review》1998,5(3):1-13
Globalization brings dangers that result from the failure of governments to effectively govern markets, says Professor John Ikenberry of the University of Pennsylvania. The struggle between governments on the one hand and markets on the other defines the new reality, and governments will need to find new ways to cooperate and build regional and global institutions to manage this struggle. If the benefits of globalized markets are to be realized and sustained, new social bargains between industrial and developing countries will be needed and new international institutional mechanisms will have to be devised. 相似文献
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Carl Riskin 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):57-61
AbstractThe contrast between Japan's emergence from the late nineteenth century as an industrializing nation and China's continued relative stagnation during the same period constitutes a puzzle that has provoked many attempts at solution. To heighten the sense of paradox, a number of observers have echoed the view of the late Alexander Eckstein thatan informed observer appraising the prospects of economic development and modernization in Asia from the vantage point of 1840 might well have picked China—rather than Japan—as the most likely candidate. China was a vast empire more populous than Japan, much better endowed with mineral resources and large internal markets. Even in terms of social and political institutions, China might have appeared to be in the better position [etc.] 相似文献
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Kumiharu Shigehara 《Asia-Pacific Review》1998,5(1):61-73
In the globalizing world economy, the economic performance of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) economies is being increasingly shaped by dynamic and emerging economies in Asia and other areas. This fact makes it a priority for the OECD to chart a path for how countries—both OECD and non‐OECD—can best work together and meet the challenges of globalization, says Kumiharu Shigehara, deputy secretary‐general of the OECD. A primary key to that strategy is for the OECD to expand its dialogue and cooperation with economies from the Asian region, he argues. 相似文献
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格泽戈尔兹·W·科勒德克 《俄罗斯研究》2010,(2)
2008-2010年世界经济金融危机,并不单纯是由美国次贷市场的崩溃所引发的,其根源深植于新自由主义的资本主义。目前现存的国际制度体系与其说有助于全球秩序,不如说催生了全球混乱。应该从根本上重建日益相互依存的世界经济所赖以运行的制度架构。未来世界的经济,即相互关联的全球经济,需要的是能够进行包括政治在内的全球协调的制度。 相似文献
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