The Risk of War in Nuclearized South Asia

Abstract

How did the introduction of nuclear weapons impact the security of the two South Asian rival states India and Pakistan? In this article, the author explores this question by looking at three books written by key experts in the field. The works explore this core question from three different angles, each of which represents an important strand in contemporary research on South Asian nuclear security. The article addresses three specific aspects in detail. First, it challenges the current trend to adopt structuralist explanatory models, which are unable to adequately appreciate the complex dynamics of the nuclear competition. Second, it explores the relationship between nuclear policy making and regime type. Third, it assesses the relevance of the Kargil conflict as test case for the existence of deterrence stability in South Asia.     

民族主义视角中的南亚国际关系

本文从国内层面和国家层面的民族主义来分析冷战后南亚地区国家之间及其与区外大国的关系.南亚民族问题大致表现为宗教冲突、分裂叛乱、地方与中央的分庭抗礼、国家意识的刻意强调,其主要根源在于经济落后、社会不公和国家关系的不平等.民族问题往往成为南亚国家关系对立的导火索,而对立引发的地区紧张又进一步导致经济环境的恶化和社会绝望.     

Au Retour a Gramsci: Reflections on Civil Society,Political Society and the State in South Asia

Abstract

This article critically analyses Partha Chatterjee’s recent concepts of civil society and political society, showing that their binary character is derived from a culturalist conflation of capitalism with modernity. In turn, modernity becomes equated with a naturalised liberal democratic state, precluding any appreciation of how resistance can and does shape the character of the state. Second, it compares Chatterjee’s categories of civil and political society to those of Gramsci, arguing that a return to classical Gramscian categories, along with an appreciation of the impact of colonialism on state forms, can provide studies of resistance with a richer and more elegant understanding of social change from below in contemporary India.     

“中国与南亚问题学术研讨会”在昆明召开

“中国与南亚问题学术研讨会”2 0 0 3年 9月 2 3日至 2 4日在昆明举行。来自全国南亚学界的 1 2 0多名学者与会 ,提交论文 50余篇。学者们围绕中国与南亚国家的政治经济关系、南亚与云南的次区域合作等议题展开了热烈讨论。主要观点如下 :( 1 )关于中印关系　　印度总理瓦杰帕伊访华 ,双方联合发表了《中印关系原则和全面合作的宣言》,印方在宣言中承认“西藏自治区是中华人民共和国领土的一部分”,这对中印建立互信和进一步合作奠定了基础。有学者提出 ,为使中印关系很好地发展 ,在增加领导人之间的互访的同时 ,加强与印度各党派尤其是反…     

作为中亚转型国家参考模式的发展型政权

苏联解体20年后,几乎所有的前共产主义国家都程度不同地完成了从计划经济向市场经济的转型.然而,仍然有些转型国家在这一进程中落在后面,其中就有前苏联的5个中亚加盟共和国.对于这些既不同于俄罗斯和东欧,更不同于西方发达国家的国家来说,实现转型没有明显的参照模式.本文的目的就是分析在东亚地区取得成功的"发展型政权"是否也能够为中亚经济体的发展提供一个参考模式.     

50年代的美国与东亚--评《双重的遏制:艾森豪威尔政府的东亚政策》

整个20世纪后半期的世界历史大致上可以概括为美苏冷战的历史.这场美苏之间的竞争最初集中于欧洲和西亚,但不久以后冷战便呈现出扩、散的趋势,而首先波及的地区就是人口密集、形势复杂的东亚.南京大学中美文化研究中心副教授蔡佳禾的《双重的遏制:艾森豪威尔政府的东亚政策》(南京大学出版社1999年版,以下简称为《双重的遏制》一书;对艾森豪威尔时期美国的东亚政策进行了较为系统的研究.     

The foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state: South Africa as case study

With South Africa having declared itself a developmental state, this paper posits that if a developmental state is one that drives development, then the foreign policy of such a state should pursue development as one of its most important goals. Similarly the diplomatic corps of such a state should prioritise economic, commercial, para- and public diplomacy as drivers of diplomacy. In answering the question, ‘What should be the foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state?’, the authors, through an exploratory approach, seek to analyse how well the state has fared in achieving this objective. To be a successful developmental state, a strategic capacity should exist and a clear strategic conception of the state's national interest should be formulated. Old paradigms about the role and functions of the diplomatic corps are challenged and a meritocratic diplomatic corps is strongly advocated to support the state's declared developmental goals.     

"Birds of Passage": Migration of South Indian Laborers to Southeast Asia

This paper deals with the migration of south Indian manual and unskilled workers to Southeast Asian countries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It presents an analysis of the pattern of mobility of the laboring classes who crossed the seas and seeks to develop a migration paradigm that encompasses the various dimensions of the different types of intra-Asian migrations. The author argues that south Indian laborers who migrated to Burma and Malaya experienced both free and unfree migration situations during the colonial period. Different types and streams of migration coexisted and depending upon the changing strategies of employers, government, and laborers themselves the migrants were free and unfree at the same time. Hence, it is suggested that an a priori distinction between free and unfree labor migration is difficult to substantiate, at least in the case of south Indian labor migrations. In this study migration is conceptualized as an integrated and continuous process. For the lower castes and communities out-migration meant an opportunity to better their material conditions and to overcome social and caste oppression. In other words, migration to foreign countries certainly provided them avenues for social mobility that was denied in their native land.     

South Asia and the Asiatic Mode of production: Some conceptual and empirical problems

Abstract

The resurgence of dialectical sociology has stimulated a renewed interest in the investigation of political and economic developments in third world countries with the aid of Marxist paradigms. In this connection a substantial volume of literature has been produced recently, mostly by western scholars, on Marx's definition of the Asiatic Mode of Production (AMP) or its related genre, such as Oriental Despotism. Hopefully the revival of this interest will open up lines of investigation hitherto ignored or inadequately developed. At the same time numerous difficulties arise on the theoretical, empirical and ideological levels when one attempts to explain the dynamics of change in countries and regions of South Asia with the above mentioned concepts in mind.     

An Asia‐Pacific community as a regional order: Possibilities and limitations of APEC

Expectations for the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation forum have been numerous and varied, leading some observers to predict that APEC will gradually take on a security dimension in addition to the economic role it plays today. In this paper, Professor Susumu Yamakage of the University of Tokyo examines the evolution — and the limitations of — APEC and, taking into consideration the variety of issues and problems in the region, concludes that it is premature to expect APEC to become a multifaceted cooperative framework. Rather, he points out, it is likely to continue its current function of encouraging trade liberalization and defending the world trade system.     

Asian Common Currency as a Driving Force of Economic Integration in East Asia: A Prospect

This article proposes an open and multi-tiered economic and financial system with introduction of an Asian common currency as a form for the Post Bretton-Woods arrangement. After reviewing the role of the incumbent international economic system, the reasons that an Asian common currency could contribute to consolidate the new international system is discussed bearing in mind the new environment of the relative decline of economic power of the United States and relative rise of economic power of China. Then a “roadmap” for the introduction of an Asian common currency is provided and how to proceed steadily on the long road towards the introduction of the new currency is argued. In particular, it is emphasized, as the world looks for a new direction, that strong political collaboration in the region is required precisely now with a view to making this a reality.