A short review

Abstract

As the title indicates, Zhou En-lai is the link which joins together the two distinct parts of this brief work. The first section by Davison and Selden is a short interpretive history of the Chinese revolution from the Opium War to 1975, highlighting Zhou's participation in and contributions to it. The second section contains reprints from New China Magazine of Zhou's 1971 talks with Americans on selected topics including class struggle in the socialist period, slogans, the Cultural Revolution, and U.S.-China relations.     

America's rented troops: South Koreans in Vietnam

Abstract

South Korea's role in the Indochina War—providing an expeditionary force of over three hundred thousand combat troops and unremitting hawkish support for U.S. actions—illustrates two features of the war. The first was the benighted American attempt to internationalize the war as a cover for U.S. intervention. The second was the American utilization of Third Country Military Forces (TCMF), generally completely and secretly financed and equipped by the United States, to supplement U.S. ground forces. Both aspects of U.S. strategy related to a principal objective of the Johnson and Nixon administrations in American domestic politics: to delay or prevent public perception of the real nature of the war and the acts of the U.S. government.     

Festival and revolution in the highlands of Vietnam: A Vietnamese artist shows how the revolution came to a mountain people in Central Vietnam

Abstract

Spring Festival on the High Plateaus (figure 1) is the name given by Vietnamese artist Tran Huu Chat to an engraved, painted, and lacquered wooden panel executed in 1962 and acquired by the Museum of Fine Arts in Hanoi. As so often in Vietnamese art of recent decades, this large (120 × 96 cm), elaborate, and richly populated composition is socially and politically charged, but it is also of exceptional ethnographic significance. The theme of solidarity in revolutionary struggle between ethnic minorities and the Vietnamese majority is that of much Vietnamese art of the U.S. war period, especially poster art. Moreover, this homage to Vietnamese “primitives” is in the spirit of President Ho Chi Minh's own repudiation of racism; his 1945 Declaration of Independence avoids any equivalent of the term “merciless Indian savages” contained in its model, the U.S. Declaration of Independence.     

Trade-offs in U.S. policy toward the south pacific region

Robert G. Sutter is assistant chief, Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, and author ofChinese Foreign Policy: Developments After Mao (Praeger 1986) andThe China Quandary: Domestic Determinants of U.S.-China Policy, 1972⊋ash;1982 (Westview Press, 1983).     

What happened in Korea? Rethinking Korean history 1945–1953

Abstract

The Pueblo incident was a stunning reminder of the hysteria and racism associated with the word Korea in the U.S. In spite of Vietnam and the great changes that have taken place within American society, the U.S. government and the military had little trouble in resuscitating the spectre of “brainwashing” and torture. The most diabolical cunning was attributed to the Koreans, who had legally captured the Pueblo and its crew. But as though at the touch of a switch, the American media and much of the nation again began to call for blood as they had done in the years 1950 to 1953. It would be a mistake to underestimate the success of America's campaign of vilification against the Korean people and the Korean revolutionary movement. At times the phobia reaches absurd proportions.     

The Philippines: Another Vietnam?

Abstract

The historic relationship between the U.S. and the Philippines today gives an exceptional importance to the massive economic and strategic legacy of over 70 years of American domination of that nation. Apart from its prime significance to the future of American military power in Asia after the Indochina debacle, the Philippines is the most important example of a sustained U.S. effort to transform a Third World country in its own image. Now, with a martial-law regime's fate very much in doubt and the U.S.'s economic investments and military bases all hanging in the balance, the objective pressures for a potentially open-ended American commitment to preserve its interests and credibility in yet one more Asian nation are again re-emerging in a form substantially more compulsive than those in Indochina before 1965.     

The U.S. military and sexual violence against women

Abstract

The Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars (BCAS) created the “Notes from the Field” section in 1992 in an attempt to bring BCAS closer to its activist origins and goals by publishing brief reports on events and issues of particular concern in the world today. Not intended to duplicate BCAS's usual in-depth and well-documented analysis and research, these reports are meant to be a less formal equivalent of “field notes” describing what is happening or being debated or studied out there in the world of action. Although analysis is usually a valuable part of these presentations, the “Notes” are more akin to urgent notices or offerings for discussion. The name “Notes from the Field” is not meant to imply the colonialist concept of people reporting back from the so-called Third World, and even though the name can be seen to loosely apply to the field of Asian studies, it does not refer to reporting on the more strictly academic aspects of fields of study within academia. The hope is that the information and opinions presented in these “Notes from the Field” will inspire readers to concern themselves with issues that matter, either through further study and analysis or by speaking out or taking action more directly.

It has been reported that on 4 September 1995 two U.S. Marines and one U.S. Navy man stationed at Camp Hansen Marine Base in Kin, Okinawa, raped a twelve-year-old Okinawan girl. This situation caught the Okinawan, Japanese, and international media's attention, brought out an Okinawan demonstration of 90,000 people in the latest of “U.S. Bases Out Of Okinawa” demonstrations that go back at least to 1972 with the reversion of Okinawa to Japan, made apologies by U.S. president Clinton mandatory, and resulted in the turning over of the three servicemen to the justice of Japanese courts, itself an act reflecting the need of the U.S. military and civilian authorities to try to defuse the situation.     

New letters from Hiroshima

Abstract

Wartime censors, as Phillip Knightley's The First Casualty reminds us, perform a twofold mission: (l) deny vital data to the enemy and (2) conceal from the citizenry potentially perturbing news as to how their leaders are conducting the mayhem at the front. This protective zeal tends to be habit forming and can outlast formal hostilities. Take the case of two historians who tried to pry past the “received wisdom and the received ignorance” about Western military activities in a gory conflict fought on Third World terrain: A tyrant launched a lightning invasion into a neighboring southern country over which he claimed historical sovereignty. A U.S. diplomat earlier had “signaled” the avaricious dictator that the target state lay outside the perimeter of vital U.S. interests. Nonetheless, seventeen U.N. countries—though primarily the United States—charged in to repel the invaders with a ferocious aerial campaign and a massive ground assault. The tyrant, alas, survived this onslaught because several hundred thousand—and eventually several million—highly motivated Chinese troops came to the rescue.     

David Marr's ‘Vietnamese anticolonialism’

Abstract

Because of its legendary resistance against the United States and its struggle for national salvation, Vietnam has entered into the consciousness of progressive mankind and has begun to attract the attention of foreign historians. In the United States, the war of aggression waged by the U.S. government has been costly in lives and property and has seriously weakened the country in all aspects, leading to the increasing opposition among the American people to the war. While protesting against the policy of the U.S. government of continuing and widening its aggression in Vietnam, for the purpose of defending America's honor and to fight for their democratic rights and economic livelihood, the American people from all walks of life have been building a friendly relationship with the Vietnamese people. Because of this reason, the American people would like to have a better understanding of the land and people of Vietnam, past and present. However, in the United States “the study of Vietnamese anti-colonial movements has been largely the preserve of the political scientist, the practicing journalist, and the intelligence specialist.” Since nearly all of these people have conducted their research according to strict political guidelines from the White House and the Pentagon, they have ignored the historical truth in an effort to justify present-day American neo-colonialism. Despite these limitations, Marr's Vietnamese Anticolonialism is one of the first historical studies published in the United States which makes a larger contribution to America's understanding of the Vietnamese struggle for freedom and independence, and thereby shows that the present U.S. war of aggression is doomed to failure.     

U.S.-China relations in the post-cold war period: A Chinese perspective

After the collapse of the Soviet Union the anti-Soviet rationale for U.S.-China ties was exhausted. Today, both countries are trying to define the new foundation and intrinsic value of their long-term relationship in the post-cold war era. Although human rights, trade, and weapons proliferation issues were major obstacles to the improvement of bilateral relations, recent developments have shown that by making mutual concessions and showing good will, the PRC and the United States can avert confrontation and build a constructive relationship. He was a visiting scholar at Stanford University between 1993 and 1994.     

Book notes

An Awakening: The Arab Campaign 1917–18 by Sir Alec Kirkbride. Pp. vi + 134, illustrations, appendices, index. University Press of Arabia, 1 West Street, Tavistock, Devon.

Revolutions and Military Rule in the Middle East: The Arab States. Part II: Egypt, The Sudan, Yemen and Libya by George M. Haddad. New York: Robert Speller and Sons, 1973, Pp. x + 454, illustrations, appendix, bibliography, index; $12.50.

Arab Culture and Society in Change: A Partially Annotated Biblography of Books and Articles in English, French, German and Italian, compiled by the Staff of The Centre d'Etudes pour le Monde Arabe Moderne, St. Joseph's University, Beirut. Beirut: Dar El‐Mashreq, Pp. xli + 318; $15.00.

The Arab Israeli Conflict: A Bibliography of Arabic Books and Publications, compiled and edited by Naim Shahrabani. Jerusalem: Mount Scopus Center for Research on the Palestinian Arabs and Arab‐Israeli Relations. Pp. 301; n.

American and British Doctoral Dissertations on Israel and Palestine in Modern Times, compiled and edited by Frank Joseph Shulman. Ann Arbor: Xerox University Microfilms. Pp. vii + 25; n.p.

Bibliotheca Cisorientalia: An Annotated Checklist of Early English Travel Books on the Near and Middle East, compiled and edited by Richard Bevis. Boston: G. K. Hall & Co. Pp. xviii + 317; U.S.: $29.50, elsewhere: $32.45.

Bidwell's Guide to Government Ministers: Volume 2 : The Arab World 1900–1972, compiled and edited by Robin Bidwell. London: Frank Cass and Co., 1974. Pp. xi + 124; £9.     

IMPERIAL DESIGNS

For a very short period after the attacks on 9/11, as the United States bombarded Taliban positions and the alleged training camps of Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida organization, Afghanistan was center stage. Then, as the mundane mopping up, the political haggling, and the international community's efforts to manage the postwar mess took over, the spotlight turned to Iraq. Yet even while Afghan landscapes, politics, and economic and social practices were the focus of the world's attention, the country's history and its place in Central Asia and in the wider realm of Asian and global geopolitics were little covered by the media. This essay outlines how Afghanistan has figured in the imperial designs of regional and international powers for more than two thousand years. From the Mongol invasions of the “civilized” world in the thirteenth century to the U.S. intervention just after the turn of the second millennium CE., the “deep” political history of Afghanistan is described with a view to “locating” the country in a wider political-economic context. Afghanistan's relationship to the great regional empires of Persia, India, and China in the late medieval and early modern periods is discussed, as is its role in “the Great Game” of imperial politics between Russia and British India during the nineteenth century. The regional impact of the Russian Revolution and of efforts to consolidate the USSR are described, as is the rising nationalism and Islamism of the peoples of the region during the final years of the Soviet Union. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the longer term implications of U.S. support for the mujahiddin – support that ironically contributed to the movement that gave rise to al-Qaida -- are analyzed as the final episodes before 9/11 and the recent dramatic U.S. military and political intervention.     

Political Parties,Australia and the U.S. Alliance: 1976-2016

ABSTRACT

What causes variation in the foreign policies of U.S. allies regarding their desired U.S. military role in their region and their troop commitments to U.S. military interventions? This paper addresses this question through documenting and explaining the sources of variation in Australia’s foreign policies regarding these issues over four decades. Treating the two major political parties in Australia and their respective leaders who self-select into them as endogenous, the paper argues that Australian foreign policy, whilst always supportive of the U.S. alliance, has systematically varied. This variation has correlated with the political party in power while the late Cold War and post-Cold War balances of power remained constant. While the Labor party has only been willing to send combat troops to large U.S. military interventions when the latter have a supporting United Nations Security Council Resolution, the conservative Liberal party has been willing to military intervene without this multilateral support. The Labor party, unlike the Liberal party, has also frequently proposed the formation and consolidation of multilateral regional institutions. These preferences render the U.S. to have been necessary for the Labor Party but sufficient for the Liberal party. Future Sino-U.S. armed conflict would provide a harder test of these hypotheses.     

关系正常化前夕的中美资产要求问题谈判

《上海公报》发表后,美国政府着手推动中美双边贸易关系的发展,资产要求问题遂成为其优先寻求解决的议题。中美两国围绕资产要求问题的谈判经历了明显的起伏。在尼克松第二任期的后期和福特任期内,由于美国政府始终未能做出实质性努力以实现中美关系正常化,它试图依靠双边经贸关系的进展来显示两国间紧密联系的做法无法获得中方的认同,所以导致中美双方关于资产要求问题的谈判未获成功。     

The Security Treaty System and the Japanese Military-Industrial Complex

Abstract

Recently much discussion has focused on the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, first signed in September, 1951, renewed in a more equitable form in 1960, and up for renewal again in 1970. Much less attention has been paid the U.S.-Japan military-economic relationship shaped largely by adminstrative agreements that followed in the wake of the first Security Treaty. This article deals with that military-economic relationship and other aspects of recent U.S.-Japanese relations relevant to the discussion of contemporary American imperialism in Asia.     

The incompatibility of peacemaking and military power

Since the 1990s, the Sino-Cameroonian relationship has grown rapidly. Today, China plays a key role in Cameroon's economic development, particularly in regards to infrastructure projects. However, in the last few years, Yaoundé's partnership with Beijing has encountered an increasing number of obstacles. Behind the warm pro-China rhetoric, the Cameroonian government has become more willing to rebalance their country's external relations, in favour of both its traditional partners and other emerging economies.     

Causes of the Slowdown in Soviet Defense

This paper discusses the recent official U.S. intelligence estimates indicating a slowdown in the growth rates of Soviet defense spending and military procurement since 1976. The Central Intelligence Agency's explanation for the slowdown is examined. Questions are raised about two of the factors, economic constraints and technical difficulties, and the implications of the CIA's explanation for theories about the relationship of the defense sector to the rest of the economy are considered. The author offers as a possible alternative explanation of the slowdown a change in Soviet military investment priorities de-emphasizing strategic offensive weapons. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 052, 114, 124.     

Supporters and Opponents of Perestroyka: The Second Joint Soviet Economy Roundtable

Support and opposition to perestroyka in the USSR and the U.S. are discussed on the eve of Academician Andrey Sakharov's trip to the U.S. in November 1988. Participating in the roundtable are leading Soviet economists, historians, philosophers, publishers and journalists as well as American Sovietologists. Different perspectives are offered on resistance to perestroyka and its origins, on concepts of change, the constitutional revisions in prospect, the pace and scope of the reform and the nationalities issue. Selected statements, notably those of Andrey Sakharov, are of historical significance. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: 027, 124.     

Review essay: Agrarian transformation,agrarian struggles,and Marxist analyses of the peasantry

Abstract

After some years of living in an Indian village, on family land that by the standards of most Marxist scholars puts us in the category of “capitalist farmers” or “kulaks,” I find myself taking scholarly discussion of “agrarian transformation” and “agrarian class structure” quite personally. There is something that jars against the reality of a daily life that includes hauling water for household use in the morning, enduring frequent blackouts or “load sheddings,” trying to decide whether to purchase first a TV or a refrigerator or a washing machine and not really being able to afford any of them, to be told that in moving from a salaried position in a U.S. university to an Indian village one has made a class jump upwards, from a section of the “expanded working class” or at worst “petty bourgeoisie” to membership among the capitalists and even (according to some scholars) participation in India's “ruling bloc.”     

Introduction to “two languages,two souls”

Abstract

Morisaki Kazue is a poet, essayist, and chronicler of the lives and histories of Japan's minorities. One of her recent books, Karayuki-san (Asahi Shimbun, 1976), an oral history of the lives of the prostitutes who followed the Japanese armed forces during World War II, became a widely praised bestseller. The article that follows describes what must be understood as the central experience in Ms. Morisaki's life: her birth and childhood in Korea and the permanent influence this had on the structure of her life and thought.