共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
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Maria Mut Bosque 《圆桌》2017,106(5):523-541
This article looks at territories that form part of the ‘Commonwealth Family’ but which do not enjoy legal sovereignty as nation-states and cannot therefore qualify for full membership of the Commonwealth. A particular focus of this article is Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories, both of which retain a constitutional link with the UK, but most of them are largely self-governing, each with its own constitution and its own government. The author examines the arguments for and against providing for these territories with ‘observer’ or ‘associate member’ status, which would grant them greater access to the official institutions and forums of the Commonwealth. 相似文献
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《Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies》2013,14(4):473-487
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It has been suggested that Africa is experiencing a NewScramble thanks primarily to its oil and gas wealth,with the United States and the Peoples Republic of Chinaactively competing for access to Africas resources. Thisarticle aims to scrutinize the claim that Africa is facing aNew Scramble, analysing the nature of the economic and politicalchanges at work, the importance of Africas oil, and thepolitical and economic forces behind the new oil rush. The articlestarts with an overview of the phenomenon labelled by some asthe New Scramble. The main body of the articleevaluates the existence of a New Scramble from three subjectperspectives: history, international relations, and businessstudies. Finally, by analysing the likely impact on the economiesof oil-producing states, it considers whether we should dismayor rejoice over the New Scramble for Africa. Itconcludes that the existence of a New Scramble or a USChineserace for Africa should be treated with some caution and thatthe use of terms such as scramble and raceis perhaps misleading, while the economic impact of oil investmentsis likely to be bleak. 相似文献
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Ming-Sho Ho 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(3):445-464
Social movement studies have constantly focused on research relating to movement strategy, without reaching a consensus on the most viable strategies for realising a movement’s goal. Instead of conceptualising movement strategy as merely a product of movement leaders’ rational calculations, this article analyses a case of strategy shift attributable to leadership replacement and unexpected events. This article examines the significant breakthroughs achieved by Taiwan’s anti-nuclear movement following Japan’s Fukushima Incident in 2011, as well as the 2014 Sunflower Movement in Taiwan. It argues that a militant citizen movement came into being because a new wave of activism employed non-partisan leadership and demonstrated a willingness to employ disruptive tactics. Mounting protests generated a split among members of the traditionally pro-nuclear Kuomintang political party, which was forced to halt the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant in 2014. With the regime change in 2016 that brought the more environment-friendly Democratic Progressive Party to power, Taiwan is now on course to phase out nuclear energy. 相似文献
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Filippo Tronconi 《South European society & politics》2018,23(1):163-180
AbstractThe Movimento Cinque Stelle (M5S) represents the most significant occurrence in Italian party politics during the economic crisis that commenced in 2008. Founded in 2005, the party caused a major upset at the 2013 national elections, with a subsequent major impact on the Italian party system, which is analysed along four dimensions: amount of change; number of relevant competitors; alteration of the political space; and degree of nationalisation. The sudden electoral success, in turn, presented the party with a number of challenges that forced it to adapt its organisational nature. Moreover, the anti-establishment nature of the M5S is questioned by its activities in the legislative arena. As with other outsider parties, this poses the dilemma of being part of the establishment while criticising it. The M5S has thus been forced to redefine its main goals and style of communication in order to adapt to the new institutional environment without losing the palingenetic aspiration of its original message. 相似文献
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The article analyses the results of the Italian municipal elections held in May 2013. It focuses on their three most striking features: the clear victory of the centre-left coalition, the marked drop in voter turnout and the shrinkage of the Five Stars Movement (M5S). The article analyses the causes of the M5S' loss of votes and interprets this new party with reference to European (disaffection towards political institutions and the ‘counter-democracy’ phenomenon as explained by Rosanvallon) and Italian (the crumbling of the party system) variables. 相似文献
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Jessica Byron 《圆桌》2017,106(3):279-302
The admission of Martinique as an associate member of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States in 2015 has been seen as an event of significance in the Caribbean region for a number of reasons. Among other things, it was the first example of a non-Anglophone country being accorded that status, and it was the first French territory allowed to join one of the core regional groupings of the Commonwealth Caribbean. This article argues that the deepening of Martinique’s relationship with its neighbours within a multilateral framework may offer new practical possibilities for regional integration. 相似文献
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Matthew Neuhaus 《圆桌》2015,104(5):539-549
A new Secretary-General is to be elected at the Malta Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November 2015. He—or she—must be a change agent, thought-leader, motivator and manager. This article gives a brief overview of this important position in global affairs and underlines the need for realistic but effective leadership. It sets an agenda for the new Secretary-General, especially in addressing the issues of violent extremism, terrorism and migration. 相似文献