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1.
中国与新加坡友好合作具有良好的基础。新加坡具有独特的地位和作用,是建设21世纪"海上丝绸之路"的重要支点和平台。本文探讨中国与新加坡经贸合作的现状及潜力,合作发展海上丝绸之路旅游产业,拓展两国间的人文交流和文化合作,深化双边安全合作,构建利益共同体和命运共同体,推进21世纪"海上丝绸之路"建设。  相似文献   

2.
加强和扩大中国与东盟人文交流是共建21世纪海上丝绸之路不可或缺的内容,有利于增强海上丝绸之路文化自信和复兴,有利于中国与东盟国家和民众增信释疑,有利于中国与东盟相互学习与借鉴现代文明,有利于中国与东盟经济合作搭台唱戏等。当前,在携手共建21世纪海上丝绸之路中,要继续推进中国—东盟双边教育、科技交流与合作,积极推进中国—东盟青少年交流,扩大和活跃双边文化交流,加强中国—东盟学术交流与合作,积极开展双边民族民间文化交流。  相似文献   

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2016年9月8日,第九届中国—东盟智库战略对话论坛在中国广西南宁举行。与会的中国与东盟国家的智库机构、高校、政府和企业单位代表等100多人出席论坛,围绕"21世纪海上丝绸之路与中国—东盟命运共同体建设"的会议主题以及"21世纪海上丝绸之路与中南半岛经济走廊建设""21世纪海上丝绸之路与中国—东盟国际产能合作""21世纪海上丝绸之路与中国—东盟海上合作""东盟共同体建设与中国—东盟合作发展"和"21世纪海上丝绸之路与中国—东盟智库交流机制建设"等5个主要议题展开了对话、交流和探讨。本文对与会者的主要观点进行综述。  相似文献   

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自从习近平主席在2013年提出"丝绸之路经济带"和"21世纪海上丝绸之路"(合称"一带一路")倡议后,一带一路已经是中国国内外的一个不断受到关注的热点和话题。这篇论文主要探讨的是,马来西亚作为21世纪海上丝绸之路的主要沿线国,对"21世纪海上丝绸之路"这个倡议有何观点,以及讨论一些目前已经实施的计划。论文首先就马来西亚作为海洋国家的战略定位作一个基本的阐述;第二部分简要介绍中马关系的发展;第三部分则集中讨论马来西亚各界人士对"21世纪海上丝绸之路"的观点;第四部分介绍目前中马两国就"21世纪海上丝绸之路"已经展开的合作计划。  相似文献   

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着眼于为中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系发展搭建新平台,习近平主席2015年先后2次倡议俄方参与丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路建设,均得到了普京总统的积极响应,所以应将双方合作开拓21世纪东北方向海上丝绸之路的重大跨国项目提到日程。为此,需要透视中俄合作开拓21世纪东北方向海上丝绸之路的时代背景,分析中俄合作开拓21世纪海上丝绸之路的现实问题,并且有针对性地创意中俄合作开拓21世纪海上丝绸之路的推进对策:注重全面加强海洋领域合作,充实两国战略协作伙伴关系内涵;依托两国相关沿海区域,共同开拓21世纪东北方向海上丝绸之路;着眼于经济全球化自由通航,积极合作完善沿线基础设施;解决资金困难,共同创建21世纪东北方向海上丝绸之路开发银行;注重加强科研合作,奠定21世纪东北方向海上丝绸之路开发基础;打造海上丝绸战略合作平台,领衔创建世界海洋城市总部。只有这样努力下去,才能逐步合作开拓出21世纪东北方向的海上丝绸之路,为亚欧区域经济繁荣做出历史性贡献。  相似文献   

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许可 《亚非纵横》2015,(2):102-110,124,128
"21世纪海上丝绸之路"是中国在新时期主动塑造合作、和平、和谐的对外合作环境,与亚非各国深化经济关系的重大战略举措,首先必须落实海上通道安全这一基本保障问题。发生在1993年的"银河号事件"早已表明,中国的海上通道安全极其脆弱,必须努力解决国家在经济、外交、军事等各个方面存有的"短板",才能维护"21世纪海上丝绸之路"的长期繁荣。  相似文献   

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中国国家主席习近平有关共同建设21世纪"海上丝绸之路"的设想,不仅为中国—东盟未来的合作和共同发展描绘了一个伟大的蓝图,而且具有深刻的历史内涵和丰富的现实意义。尽管打造新时代的"丝绸之路"会面临一些挑战,但只要牢牢把握中国—东盟战略合作大方向,新"海上丝绸之路"必将有着美好的未来。  相似文献   

8.
范力 《东南亚纵横》2014,(10):20-23
共建21世纪海上丝绸之路的发展战略对于推动和深化中国与东盟乃至亚太地区的开放合作意义重大。中马钦州产业园区在共建21世纪海上丝绸之路发展战略中有重要位置。中马钦州产业园区将充分发挥自身优势,根据中马两国领导人为其提出的"打造中马两国投资合作旗舰项目,带动两国产业集群式发展"的战略定位,将中马钦州产业园区建设成为21世纪海上丝绸之路的先行园区。  相似文献   

9.
2014年10月,佐科·维多多当选为印度尼西亚第七任总统,提出建设"全球海洋支点"战略,并致力于与中国的"21世纪海上丝绸之路"战略对接。印度尼西亚的"全球海洋支点"战略和中国的"海上丝绸之路"战略对接,为中国与印度尼西亚的合作提供了新契机和更大的合作空间,海洋合作将成为未来两国合作的新领域,其中海洋合作的重点将在海洋经济和海洋文化方面。  相似文献   

10.
正"丝绸之路"是古代中国与亚欧非国家政治、经济、文化往来通道的统称,它开拓于陆上,又发展于海上,是具有历史意义的文明传播之路。古代海上丝绸之路是在特定政治经济背景下发展起来的,其兴起是东西方先民互为推动、双向努力的结果。1中国提出建设21世纪海上丝绸之路,是希望发掘古代海上丝绸之路特有的价值和理念,并为其注入新的时代内涵,积极主动地发展与沿线国家的经济伙伴关系。具体而言,是用"丝绸之路"的理念和精神,对当前正在进行的各种各样的合作进行整合,使它们相互连  相似文献   

11.
The West's treatment of irregular fighters in the “war on terror” was highly problematic. This article contends that we must look beyond the assumption that political and strategic considerations compromised the law and led to the “invention” of the category of the “unlawful combatant.” Rather, the law of armed conflict itself includes strong exclusionary mechanisms towards irregular fighters. These exclusionary strands in the law came to dominate the West's strategic decision-making on the treatment of irregular fighters. Moreover, the fact that irregular fighters became such a vital issue post-9/11 was not a result of the war on terror being a new kind of war, as has often been argued. Rather, this article suggests that it reflects an identity crisis of the West's regular armed forces at the start of the twenty-first century.  相似文献   

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The Netherlands, which has seen the political murders of the populist Pim Fortuyn in 2002 and film director Theo van Gogh in 2004, faces particular challenges in meeting Europe's “Islamic problem.” Not just a welfare state like all European countries, the Netherlands also has its own peculiar “pillarization” social structure, which developed in order to permit all groups to be different but equal. For decades, the differences were among various groups of Christians and secularized Christians. But after the 1968 protest movement, and with an influx of immigrants, parallel societies emerged in which Muslims could build up their own institutions and values. While the system has clearly failed, the responses of the Dutch political class to date seem inadequate. This article outlines an approach to the challenge of European Islam that could restore political life to the right priorities.  相似文献   

14.
To form a more prudent foreign policy toward the Muslim Brotherhood, we must understand it not only as a domestic actor, but also as a major regional player. In fact, the Brotherhood has a complex relationship with Iran and the Shias, which blurs the lines of the so-called Shia Crescent. This article addresses the Muslim Brotherhood's foreign/regional policy by analyzing its attitude toward the Shias and Iran, thus placing it within the context of the emerging regional order. Addressing the complex relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Shias/Iran will help to clarify the regional fallout were the Brotherhood to gain control of a major Sunni Arab state. This is a vital issue for policy makers who are considering the U.S. position vis-à-vis the Brotherhood.  相似文献   

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自由贸易协定(FTA)作为推动当今区域经济合作的主要制度载体已得到普遍认可,应成为中国"一带一路"合作倡议建设的重要方式。基于贸易结合度指数和双边贸易情况分析的实证结果并综合其他因素分析表明,中国应优先选择东亚的蒙古,南亚的印度、尼泊尔、斯里兰卡、马尔代夫,中亚和东欧的俄罗斯、欧亚经济联盟,西亚的海合会,北非的埃及作为各个区域内FTA优先合作伙伴,形成各个区域内的战略支点,并以"点"带"面"全面推进"一带一路"合作倡议的发展。  相似文献   

19.
Debates regarding the Bush Administration's grand strategy began long before the forty-third president left office. A group of distinguished historians and political scientists have argued over the course of the last few years that the Administration's grand strategy did not represent a major break with historical precedent, as is sometimes argued, but continued the evangelical support for liberty that has always made the United States a “dangerous nation” to tyrants. Along the way, this revisionism creates straw men, and co-opts or redefines terms that are central to the traditional understanding of U.S. foreign policy. It also seems to misunderstand grand strategy itself, focusing almost entirely on continuity of ends while ignoring the rather glaring discontinuities in the ways that generations of U.S. presidents have chosen to pursue them. Overall, the revisionist project fails in both of its tasks, which are: To make the case that the Bush administration took actions of which the Founding Fathers would have understood and approved; and by implication, to justify the unnecessary, tragic war in Iraq.  相似文献   

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