“五月风暴”的真正遗产

拒绝暴力和流血是"五月革命"各方的共同底线。在此意义上,我们可以说,如果法兰西要继承其"革命"传统,那么1968年5月可被视为法国革命的新起点。或者说,"六八底线"才是1968年5月运动留给世界的最珍贵的遗产。     

法国的“黄马甲运动”:民粹主义的泛起还是精英政治的危机?

2018年11月爆发的法国黄马甲运动已延烧至今,短期内仍无平息的迹象。学界对其评价不一,但经常将其与1968年五月风暴类比。本文认为,黄马甲运动反映的似乎不是法国民粹主义的泛起,而是代议制民主的危机:作为这个制度支柱的各传统政党、工会、主流媒体等政治中介物,未能及时体察民意、整合民意、将民众的诉求引导到正常的代议制机制中进行回应处理,而是一如它们在五月风暴中的作为,游离在运动之外,从而失去了其应有的政治功能。黄马甲运动是否标志着法国政治生活的一种新形式、代议制民主的一种补充乃至替代,仍有待观察。     

美国、法国与冷战的终结：趋同、近似和分歧

本文着重探讨美法关系与冷战的终结。现有的冷战史研究明显忽略了法国在冷战结束过程中所发挥的作用。通过回顾和考察冷战后期美国和法国对苏联东欧的政策、德国的统一进程以及冷战后初期围绕新的欧洲秩序美法之间出现的分歧和竞争,可以发现,虽然法国的实力和影响力都不足以和美国相提并论,但是美法两国的角色是互相补充和支持的,对于冷战终结法国同样发挥了重要的建设性作用。总而言之,研究冷战史不能只着眼于美国,也应关注其他国家。     

右翼民粹主义、选举政治与法国国民阵线

法国右翼民粹主义政党国民阵线集中体现了崛起中的欧洲右翼民粹主义的典型特征。它鼓吹新种族主义,反对和仇恨外来移民;主张封闭的民族主义,反对全球化和欧洲一体化;宣扬民粹主义,否定现存政治体制,试图用竞选和议会斗争的合法手段颠覆现存制度,与企图用非法手段复辟专制制度的新法西斯主义相呼应。法国国民阵线的选举政治表现说明,在全球化日益深入的今天,右翼民粹主义在欧洲及世界其他地区的频繁动作,应引起人们的高度警惕。而作为主流政党,只有及时适应社会和政治生态的变化,不断提出合乎民意的政治议程,励志改革,才能掌握选举政治的主动权,维护自由民主价值观和社会政治秩序的稳定。     

法国校园安全管理:机制、法规与启示

法国的校园安全管理拥有一套比较完备的中央化管理机制,教育行政部门从机制入手,更好地整合了校园安全相关法律法规,设立专门监督机构,促进其落到实处。法国教育行政部门强调预防,突出预案和演习的作用,监督和自查并举,积极动员社会力量参与等经验,值得我国借鉴。未来应在构建校园安全体系、改善校园安全状况领域完善我国校园安全制度建设。     

不同政党制度下民粹主义政党的影响与局限——以意大利、德国、法国和英国为例

西欧民粹主义政党的影响方式和影响力主要取决于其所在的政党制度.从极端的多党制(意)、温和的多党制(德、法)到相对的两党制(英),随着政党力量分布的集中和政治共识的增加,上述国家民粹主义政党的活动空间递减,并由此采取了不同的政治策略.在意大利,五星运动和联盟党能够成为执政党,通过施政纲领和职务任命直接塑造本国政策;在德国...     

政党格局演变、左翼阵营内耗与欧洲社会民主党选举困境——以英国、德国、法国为例

2008年国际金融危机以来,欧洲社情民意和政党政治发生深远变化.社会民主党作为欧洲主流政党和左翼政治力量,陷入了新一轮选举困境,其持续衰退改变了左翼阵营内部的实力对比,打破了左右两大阵营的传统平衡,加速了各国政党格局的分化重组.政党格局演变、左翼阵营内耗和选举制度的差异程度又影响了各国社会民主党的政治走向.与得益于选举...     

The Nepali State and the Dynamics of the Maoist Insurgency

In contrast to existing quantitative studies of the civil conflict in Nepal, we argue that combinations of motive and opportunity were crucial for the development of the Maoist insurgency and that these conditions stem largely from the nature of the Nepali state. The decade-long insurgency was characterized by two distinct dynamics. In the initiation period of the war (1996–2000), the insurgency was driven largely by newly enabled Maoist organizers capitalizing on the caste, ethnic, and economic divisions that had been codified over time by autocratic state-building efforts. In the more violent and geographically widespread maturation period of the war (2001–2006), the insurgency depended less on historical grievances than on the motivation of rebels and sympathizers by the often-indiscriminate violence perpetrated by the besieged Nepali state. We provide empirical evidence for this argument in a narrative section that contextualizes the Maoist insurgency as well as in a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) of data for the 75 Nepali districts in the two periods of the insurgency. fsQCA allows for the assessment of how combinations of the largely state-generated motivations and opportunities affected the dynamics of the insurgency.     

Evaluation in France,a Component of Territorial Public Action

Evaluation practices developed in France, especially by local authorities and above all by regional councils, provide an interesting opportunity to examine from the inside the way public policies are constructed. Taking evaluation practices seriously as a subject of study reminds us, in a way, of the necessary empiricism needed to analyse public policies. At a time when this discipline experiences, at least in France, a surge in conceptual proposals, the point of view expressed here aims to point out the necessary modesty we have to show in the face of the complexity of the subjects studied and of the usefulness of evaluation practices to explain territorial public policies.     

Evaluation in France, a Component of Territorial Public Action

Evaluation practices developed in France, especially by local authorities and above all by regional councils, provide an interesting opportunity to examine from the inside the way public policies are constructed. Taking evaluation practices seriously as a subject of study reminds us, in a way, of the necessary empiricism needed to analyse public policies. At a time when this discipline experiences, at least in France, a surge in conceptual proposals, the point of view expressed here aims to point out the necessary modesty we have to show in the face of the complexity of the subjects studied and of the usefulness of evaluation practices to explain territorial public policies.     

Public Policy Analysis in Contemporary France: Academic Approaches, Questions and Debates

Today French academic studies of government are dominated by a particular form of public policy analysis which cannot be explained using literal translations. Instead this article endeavours to explain the nature of French research carried out in this vein by tracing its development over the last thirty years and focusing in particular upon the role of conflict within political science and sociology. Despite the considerable strengths of public policy analysis, however, doubts have recently emerged as to its capacity to adapt to the theoretical and empirical challenges raised by contemporary politics     

增进相互理解 搭建友谊桥梁——联合尼共（毛）主席普拉昌达访华侧记

金秋十月,是北京最美丽的季节。应中国共产党邀请,联合尼共（毛）主席普拉昌达率代表团于10月11-19日访华。这是他首次以联合尼共（毛）主席身份访华。访问期间,普拉昌达会见了中国多位领导人,并访问多个城市亲身感受中国改革开放的实践。访问取得了圆满成功,进一步推动了中尼友好关系的发展。     

Local Government Reforms in Great Britain,Sweden, Germany and France: Between Multi-Function and Single-Purpose Organisations

This four-country comparison has four sections. First, some remarks on appropriate definitions and concepts are made (inter alia by introducing and emphasising the distinction between 'traditional' and New Public Management-inspired administrative reforms). Then, country by country accounts of the pertinent reforms are submitted 'in a nutshell'. Third, with the 'convergence or divergence?' question in mind, the conclusion is put forward that significant differences persist (and even increase), particularly between Sweden and Germany, on the one hand, and England and France on the other. In the final section, an attempt is made to assess the 'performance' of the different local government systems in looking at their capacity to 'co-ordinate' policies and activities. It is argued that Sweden's and Germany's traditional type of democratically accountable, multi-functional and territorially viable local government does relatively well in achieving policy co-ordination, democratic participation and political accountability. Great Britain and France, however, could do better.     

走近尼共（毛）——尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）获胜选区访谈纪实

2008年4月10日，尼泊尔举行制宪会议选举，尼泊尔共产党（毛主义）一鸣惊人，出人意料地赢得240个简单多数制选区中的120个和335个比例制席位中的100席，占总席位601席的37％，几乎是第二大党尼泊尔大会党和第三大党尼泊尔共产党（联合马列）所获席位之和。尼共（毛）曾从事武装斗争10年之久，两年前才放下武器，走出丛林。一年半前才获得合法地位，能在此次投票率高、得到国际社会普遍认可的选举中战胜其他有十几年议会斗争经验的老牌政党，背后的原因是什么？