“五月风暴”的真正遗产

拒绝暴力和流血是"五月革命"各方的共同底线。在此意义上,我们可以说,如果法兰西要继承其"革命"传统,那么1968年5月可被视为法国革命的新起点。或者说,"六八底线"才是1968年5月运动留给世界的最珍贵的遗产。     

法国的“黄马甲运动”:民粹主义的泛起还是精英政治的危机?

2018年11月爆发的法国黄马甲运动已延烧至今,短期内仍无平息的迹象。学界对其评价不一,但经常将其与1968年五月风暴类比。本文认为,黄马甲运动反映的似乎不是法国民粹主义的泛起,而是代议制民主的危机:作为这个制度支柱的各传统政党、工会、主流媒体等政治中介物,未能及时体察民意、整合民意、将民众的诉求引导到正常的代议制机制中进行回应处理,而是一如它们在五月风暴中的作为,游离在运动之外,从而失去了其应有的政治功能。黄马甲运动是否标志着法国政治生活的一种新形式、代议制民主的一种补充乃至替代,仍有待观察。     

美国、法国与冷战的终结：趋同、近似和分歧

本文着重探讨美法关系与冷战的终结。现有的冷战史研究明显忽略了法国在冷战结束过程中所发挥的作用。通过回顾和考察冷战后期美国和法国对苏联东欧的政策、德国的统一进程以及冷战后初期围绕新的欧洲秩序美法之间出现的分歧和竞争,可以发现,虽然法国的实力和影响力都不足以和美国相提并论,但是美法两国的角色是互相补充和支持的,对于冷战终结法国同样发挥了重要的建设性作用。总而言之,研究冷战史不能只着眼于美国,也应关注其他国家。     

右翼民粹主义、选举政治与法国国民阵线

法国右翼民粹主义政党国民阵线集中体现了崛起中的欧洲右翼民粹主义的典型特征。它鼓吹新种族主义,反对和仇恨外来移民;主张封闭的民族主义,反对全球化和欧洲一体化;宣扬民粹主义,否定现存政治体制,试图用竞选和议会斗争的合法手段颠覆现存制度,与企图用非法手段复辟专制制度的新法西斯主义相呼应。法国国民阵线的选举政治表现说明,在全球化日益深入的今天,右翼民粹主义在欧洲及世界其他地区的频繁动作,应引起人们的高度警惕。而作为主流政党,只有及时适应社会和政治生态的变化,不断提出合乎民意的政治议程,励志改革,才能掌握选举政治的主动权,维护自由民主价值观和社会政治秩序的稳定。     

法国校园安全管理:机制、法规与启示

法国的校园安全管理拥有一套比较完备的中央化管理机制,教育行政部门从机制入手,更好地整合了校园安全相关法律法规,设立专门监督机构,促进其落到实处。法国教育行政部门强调预防,突出预案和演习的作用,监督和自查并举,积极动员社会力量参与等经验,值得我国借鉴。未来应在构建校园安全体系、改善校园安全状况领域完善我国校园安全制度建设。     

不同政党制度下民粹主义政党的影响与局限——以意大利、德国、法国和英国为例

西欧民粹主义政党的影响方式和影响力主要取决于其所在的政党制度。从极端的多党制(意)、温和的多党制(德、法)到相对的两党制(英),随着政党力量分布的集中和政治共识的增加,上述国家民粹主义政党的活动空间递减,并由此采取了不同的政治策略。在意大利,五星运动和联盟党能够成为执政党,通过施政纲领和职务任命直接塑造本国政策;在德国和法国,选择党和国民联盟获得大量选票仍被排除在政府之外,主要通过议会和选举发挥影响;英国独立党和脱欧党在两党制下影响力最有限,街头动员是其主要活动方式。     

政党格局演变、左翼阵营内耗与欧洲社会民主党选举困境——以英国、德国、法国为例

2008年国际金融危机以来,欧洲社情民意和政党政治发生深远变化.社会民主党作为欧洲主流政党和左翼政治力量,陷入了新一轮选举困境,其持续衰退改变了左翼阵营内部的实力对比,打破了左右两大阵营的传统平衡,加速了各国政党格局的分化重组.政党格局演变、左翼阵营内耗和选举制度的差异程度又影响了各国社会民主党的政治走向.与得益于选举...     

Colonial legacies,armed revolts and state violence: the Maoist movement in India

Abstract

This article examines the connected histories of armed tribal and peasant revolts in colonial and postcolonial India with reference to the ongoing Maoist conflict in rural and tribal areas of central and eastern India. The article makes two interrelated arguments about the violent continuities that endure from colonial to postcolonial contexts: (1) the nation-state system, in its efforts to establish control and influence, creates a hierarchy of citizenship engaging in the hostile policing of marginalised subjects, thereby engendering armed revolts and political violence; (2) the postcolonial state’s response to these armed revolts by marginalised subjects who challenge its sovereignty and monopoly over violence, is equally violent and repressive. Most significantly, the state’s response is legitimised in the same colonial idioms and justifications that mark epistemic and physical violence against the third world.     

The Nepali State and the Dynamics of the Maoist Insurgency

In contrast to existing quantitative studies of the civil conflict in Nepal, we argue that combinations of motive and opportunity were crucial for the development of the Maoist insurgency and that these conditions stem largely from the nature of the Nepali state. The decade-long insurgency was characterized by two distinct dynamics. In the initiation period of the war (1996–2000), the insurgency was driven largely by newly enabled Maoist organizers capitalizing on the caste, ethnic, and economic divisions that had been codified over time by autocratic state-building efforts. In the more violent and geographically widespread maturation period of the war (2001–2006), the insurgency depended less on historical grievances than on the motivation of rebels and sympathizers by the often-indiscriminate violence perpetrated by the besieged Nepali state. We provide empirical evidence for this argument in a narrative section that contextualizes the Maoist insurgency as well as in a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) of data for the 75 Nepali districts in the two periods of the insurgency. fsQCA allows for the assessment of how combinations of the largely state-generated motivations and opportunities affected the dynamics of the insurgency.     

印共（毛）的崛起及发展前景

近年来,印度左翼极端组织印共（毛）的活动日趋活跃。该组织在与政府的对抗过程中,势力逐渐扩展,能量日益增长,影响愈加深远,已被印度政府视为国内安全的巨大挑战。     

Strategic Interaction Between Rebels and the State: A Study of the Maoist Conflict in Nepal

The “people's war” in Nepal during 1996–2006, led to two significant outcomes—the elimination of monarchy and political victory for the Maoists. These political outcomes raise important questions about the process of Maoist conflict in Nepal. While several studies on political conflict are concerned about “why” such conflicts happen, I focus on “how” the strategy of conflict unfolded in Nepal. In this article, I argue that strategic interaction between rebels and the state explain why the conflict led to negotiated settlement in Nepal. To discuss the sequence of rebel–state interaction, I introduce a game theoretic model. In addition, I show how territorial control, target selection, and levels of violence used by the rebels in comparison to the state are crucial in understanding the conflict process. The case study in this article analyzes the relevance of rebel–state interaction to reveal micro processes of political conflict and further suggests that negotiation can become an important tactical choice in resolving conflict.     

Evaluation in France,a Component of Territorial Public Action

Evaluation practices developed in France, especially by local authorities and above all by regional councils, provide an interesting opportunity to examine from the inside the way public policies are constructed. Taking evaluation practices seriously as a subject of study reminds us, in a way, of the necessary empiricism needed to analyse public policies. At a time when this discipline experiences, at least in France, a surge in conceptual proposals, the point of view expressed here aims to point out the necessary modesty we have to show in the face of the complexity of the subjects studied and of the usefulness of evaluation practices to explain territorial public policies.     

Evaluation in France, a Component of Territorial Public Action

Evaluation practices developed in France, especially by local authorities and above all by regional councils, provide an interesting opportunity to examine from the inside the way public policies are constructed. Taking evaluation practices seriously as a subject of study reminds us, in a way, of the necessary empiricism needed to analyse public policies. At a time when this discipline experiences, at least in France, a surge in conceptual proposals, the point of view expressed here aims to point out the necessary modesty we have to show in the face of the complexity of the subjects studied and of the usefulness of evaluation practices to explain territorial public policies.