My Experiences of the Region during the Last Century – with Particular Reference to Sino-British Relations

The author describes his early diplomatic experiences as a Chinese language student during the Cultural Revolution, followed by his first posting to Peking. Hong Kong was then a major issue between China and Britain. He examines the tensions and difficulties of those years and the first signs of better days ahead. He details his involvement in the upgrading of diplomatic relations, and the first ministerial exchanges. His final overseas posting was to Hong Kong, first to head the Trade Commission, and then, importantly, to manage the final four years of detailed negotiations with China over the handover.     

Asian Experiences

A personal view of East Asia, focusing on China, this article examines the efforts of Chinese and British officials in Hong Kong during the mid-1980s to develop practical and durable local solutions, since the survival of a vigorous Hong Kong was a mutual interest. Japan was a very different challenge and a hugely enjoyable posting. There was an ever wider and stronger bilateral agenda. Japan's recovery from recession was slow but demonstrated impressive inherent capability.     

Asian Experiences

A personal view of East Asia, focusing on China, this article examines the efforts of Chinese and British officials in Hong Kong during the mid-1980s to develop practical and durable local solutions, since the survival of a vigorous Hong Kong was a mutual interest. Japan was a very different challenge and a hugely enjoyable posting. There was an ever wider and stronger bilateral agenda. Japan's recovery from recession was slow but demonstrated impressive inherent capability.     

Ernest Satow's Early Career as Diplomatic Interpreter

This article is concerned with Satow's seven years as diplomatic interpreter in the Japan of the fateful 1860s. He was sent first to Peking because the Foreign Office in its ignorance thought that Japanese was very similar to Chinese, but this detour did at least enable him to meet there another notable British diplomatic interpreter, Thomas Wade. He soon learned better about Japanese, and once he had mastered it fluently he became a privileged observer of traditional society and culture in the crucial period when it was being shaken by the first rumblings of the Meiji era. He was therefore able to render outstanding service to his head of mission, who was himself an ex-interpreter. Satow went on to enjoy a long and distinguished career in the diplomatic corps, rising from interpreter to ambassador.     

Ernest Satow's Early Career as Diplomatic Interpreter

This article is concerned with Satow's seven years as diplomatic interpreter in the Japan of the fateful 1860s. He was sent first to Peking because the Foreign Office in its ignorance thought that Japanese was very similar to Chinese, but this detour did at least enable him to meet there another notable British diplomatic interpreter, Thomas Wade. He soon learned better about Japanese, and once he had mastered it fluently he became a privileged observer of traditional society and culture in the crucial period when it was being shaken by the first rumblings of the Meiji era. He was therefore able to render outstanding service to his head of mission, who was himself an ex-interpreter. Satow went on to enjoy a long and distinguished career in the diplomatic corps, rising from interpreter to ambassador.     

The peripatetic career structure of the British diplomatic establishment, 1919-39

The first part of this article examines the development of the career structure of the British diplomatic establishment after the reforms of 1919-20, arguing that the peripatetic career identified with the prewar Diplomatic Service became increasingly common for all members of the new amalgamated service between the two world wars. The average length of posting to an overseas mission or one of the geographical departments in London seldom exceeded three years or so. The second part of the article then speculates on the impact of the peripatetic career on the effectiveness of the British diplomatic establishment, suggesting that it had both postive and negative impacts.     

The peripatetic career structure of the British diplomatic establishment, 1919-39

The first part of this article examines the development of the career structure of the British diplomatic establishment after the reforms of 1919-20, arguing that the peripatetic career identified with the prewar Diplomatic Service became increasingly common for all members of the new amalgamated service between the two world wars. The average length of posting to an overseas mission or one of the geographical departments in London seldom exceeded three years or so. The second part of the article then speculates on the impact of the peripatetic career on the effectiveness of the British diplomatic establishment, suggesting that it had both postive and negative impacts.     

从“猪仔问题”报道看《香港船头货价纸》的编辑方针与定位

《香港船头货价纸》是中国最早的中文日报《香港中外新报》的前身,在中国近代报业发展史上占有特殊的地位。本论文的主旨为:(1)通过该报(包括日文版的《官版香港新闻》)对“猪仔问题”的报道与评论,考察该报的编辑方针与定位;(2)进一步确认其作为英殖民地香港英文报纸《剌西报》的子报,尽管该报的编者为华人,并自我标榜“有益于唐人”,但仍然不能“自我操权”,不能列入华人自我办报的范畴。     

印支难民与香港“第一收容港”政策

1979年日内瓦国际印支难民会议上,英国代表香港承诺作为印支难民的"第一收容港",给予出逃的印支难民以临时的庇护,等待西方国家的再安置。港英政府不折不扣地将这一政策执行了近20年。直到特区政府成立后,才于1998年1月正式取消这一政策。造成越南难民和船民问题滞留香港多年的原因是多方面的,既有国际社会层面的因素,也有英国及港英政府方面的原因。越南难民和船民问题,带给香港的最大启示是怎样在人道主义与内部利益冲突中找到一个平衡点。     

Hong Kong: country profile

In the 1840s, the small fishing community that is now Hong Kong became a British colony and an important naval base for the Opium Wars. Now it is a leading capitalist center operating on mainland communist China. Hong Kong is scheduled to go back to China in 1997. In the agreement signed between the British government and China, Hong Kong's present lifestyle is guaranteed for at least 50 years. Textbook colonialism rules here. Foreigners hold the key jobs and earn much more than do the indigenous people. They even receive subsidized housing in this very high rent colony. As for the Hong Kong Chinese, overcrowding into 2 room apartments is the norm even though the government tries to provide more housing units. The large skyscrapers in the New Territories breed their unique social and mental health problems, such as poverty, drug abuse and frustration. Essentially all food is imported from communist China, yet agriculture in Hong Kong does exist--pig farms, duck lakes, and fields of the popular vegetable choi sum. Major industry comprise textiles and sweat shops which pay their workers (mostly illegal immigrants and children with no legal protection) wages that are 1/4 of those paid in Great Britain. Financial services, trade, and tourism may soon dominate Hong Kong's economy. Almost 4 million tourists visit Hong Kong yearly, often looking for bargains. Despite Hong Kong's active Western-like business climate, Chinese culture still abounds. Traditional incense burns in Buddhist temples. Snake soup is served in restaurants. Plus traditional medicine practiced alongside Western medicine contributes to Hong Kong having 1 of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world (9/1000) and to its high life expectancy of 76 years.     

EUGENE SCHUYLER,THE ONLY DIPLOMATIST

Eugene Schuyler (1840–1890), little known today, was America’s best-qualified diplomat, one of its first PhDs, and a friend of Tolstoy, translator of Turgenev, and biographer of Peter the Great. Schuyler spent a decade in Russia; his first book describes a nine-month trip through Central Asia which Russia was then subjugating. Schuyler’s subsequent reports from Bulgaria on Turkish atrocities helped to make Bulgaria the modern world’s first “fashionable cause.” Schuyler was American minister to Greece, Romania, and Serbia, but was refused confirmation as the State Department’s number two because of his frank criticism of a former secretary of state. He died after some months as diplomatic agent in Egypt.     

Keeping a Foot in the Door: Britain's China Policy, 1945-50

Based on Britain and China 1945-1950 (DBPO, 2002), this article examines four major themes in Britain's China policy between 1945 and 1950: British attitudes towards Chinese communism and China's civil war, Anglo-American relations over China, attempts to restore and sustain British commerce in China, and the future of Hong Kong. The central feature of policy was to 'keep a foot in the door', even under a communist government, to protect British interests. Only modest success was achieved. British officials were divided over the issue of Chinese communism and Britain miscalculated the timescale in the ending of the civil war. The US administration proved largely uncooperative over China, and British commerce was eventually squeezed out. Hong Kong survived as a British colony. Amidst the considerable thought given to the future of Hong Kong, and to Britain's ability to defend it, intelligence reported that the communists had no plans to seize the colony.     

东南亚华商在香港的经济活动分析

香港一直是东南亚华商投资与从事商贸活动的中心,也是东南亚与中国大陆进行经贸联系的中介,1980年代以来,香港更成为东南亚华人企业投资中国的桥梁。二战后,东南亚华商在香港的投资额越来越大,东南亚华人资本已成为香港经济的重要组成部分。尽管东南亚金融危机对东南亚华商在港企业造成了大冲击,但是大多数华人在港企业还是克服困难,度过了难关。     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (II): Exploring the new political order

The first part of the article focused on democratization and the main issues at stake between China, Britain, Portugal, Hong Kong and Macao as the responsibility for the two colonies reverts to the mainland. It was argued that their separate history and their respective metropolitan traditions will weigh heavily on the prospects for any phased transition to democracy. Of more immediate importance, however, is the current balance of forces within the region which affects them both, particularly their relationships with a China undergoing vast social and economic changes with profound implications for their own future political development. In this second part of the article there is more concern with current and future problems affecting the practice of democracy in Hong Kong and Macao, particularly the ways in which the new Basic Laws might operate in practice after 1997.     

安全与发展：菲律宾对华政策研究

20世纪40年代末以来的中菲关系大致可以分为四个时期：20世纪40年代末到60年代末的对华“隔离”；60年末到90年代初期马科斯和阿基诺总统期间的缓和、建交与发展时期；拉莫斯以及埃斯特拉达总统期间中菲关系的反复与进步，以及21世纪以来中菲关系的黄金时期。半个多世纪的中菲关系经历了一系列戏剧性的变化，虽然屡受一系列问题的困扰，但始终向前发展。从意识形态到实用主义，从重安全到重发展，这既是菲律宾外交政策的转变，又反映了菲律宾对华政策的脉络。     

郑和下西洋与中国东南亚的友好交往

明初中国政府为了发展与东南亚国家的友好关系,奉行了一系列和平外交政策,包括派遣郑和七下西洋,遍历东南亚各国。郑和作为一位和平外交使者;在下西洋期间,不仅为满剌加立国,制止了强国对弱国的欺凌,而且在旧港剿灭海寇,保证了航道的畅通,同时在苏门答腊为国王平定了叛乱,维持了当地的和平秩序。郑和及其随从的和平外交活动在东南亚民众中影响很大,至今仍到处流传着有关他们的传说。这些事实说明,郑和作为一位和平使者,的确为发展中国与东南亚的友好交往立下了功勋。     

Eisenhower, the British and the security of Hong Kong, 1953-60

This article is an examination of Hong Kong's importance within British-American security arrangements in the Far East during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Archival evidence indicates that the Eisenhower Administration accepted a greater deal of commitment to the defence of Hong Kong during the 1950s — a period of significant hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China. To understand this policy evolution in the broader context, this study evaluates the differences in British and American attitudes towards China during the 1950s and the effect of this on US policy towards Hong Kong.     

Red Star Ascending,Flagging Union Jack: Soviet Views on the Handover of Hong Kong

On 22 September 1982, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher met the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, where they discussed the future of Hong Kong. The meeting did not go well. Deng made it clear that, with or without British cooperation, China would resume full sovereignty and administration over the tiny colony when the lease on Hong Kong expired on 30 June 1997. This article is based on two recently released documents from the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive (AVP RF) and reveals the hitherto unknown Soviet attitude toward these talks and the handover itself. Soviet leaders were very concerned that the Chinese should not consider Soviet control over vast territories in the Far East as based on unequal, hence illegitimate, nineteenth century treaties, as they did British control over Hong Kong. If those Russian treaties were unequal, then Soviet rule would be in grave danger. The Soviets sought to distinguish their treaties from the British ones. Seeking normal relations, the Chinese agreed not to challenge this interpretation.     

Red Star Ascending, Flagging Union Jack: Soviet Views on the Handover of Hong Kong

On 22 September 1982, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher met the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, where they discussed the future of Hong Kong. The meeting did not go well. Deng made it clear that, with or without British cooperation, China would resume full sovereignty and administration over the tiny colony when the lease on Hong Kong expired on 30 June 1997. This article is based on two recently released documents from the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive (AVP RF) and reveals the hitherto unknown Soviet attitude toward these talks and the handover itself. Soviet leaders were very concerned that the Chinese should not consider Soviet control over vast territories in the Far East as based on unequal, hence illegitimate, nineteenth century treaties, as they did British control over Hong Kong. If those Russian treaties were unequal, then Soviet rule would be in grave danger. The Soviets sought to distinguish their treaties from the British ones. Seeking normal relations, the Chinese agreed not to challenge this interpretation.     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (I): Debating democracy

Hong Kong returns to Chinese sovereignty on 1 July 1997 and Portugal terminates its administration of Macao, handing over to China, on 20 December 1999.’ The unprecedented circumstances when two European colonies are decolonized, not into independence but the embrace of the last effective communist state in the world, have raised considerable anxieties about the future of democracy there and the rights and freedoms of their inhabitants. Unlike other colonies, the acquisition and administration of Hong Kong or Macao was accomplished without any significant coercion of the local population. In recent years both have enjoyed a high degree of personal liberties, while also achieving high levels of economic development. However, neither has experienced any measure of democracy defined in terms of representation of the people in government or the accountability of the state apparatus. Consequently an examination and explanation of the extent of democracy that will be established there after their reversion to China should help illuminate the debate about the relevance of democracy to rights and freedoms and to economic development.