Lionel Smith on education in Iraq

Dr Grace E. Goodell (The Elementary Structures of Political Life: Rural Development in Pahlavi Iran. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp.362. £40.00)

Dr Habib Ladjevardi (Labour Unions and Autocracy in Iran. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1985. Pp.328. $29.95)     

A.H. Tammsaare’s Truth and Justice as a Postcolonial Bildungsroman

A.H. Tammsaare’s pentalogy Truth and Justice is considered a central text in Estonian culture, perceived virtually as a second national epic. The article analyzes it from the perspective of comparative genre studies. It is discussed as an idiosyncratic example of Bildungsroman, a genre narrativizing modernizing change focusing on the lives of everyday individuals, thus symbolically domesticating and humanizing the global developments of modernization. The emplotment of Tammsaare’s novel is comparatively discussed against the background of the Western European Bildungsroman on the one hand and of non-European postcolonial Bildungsroman on the other. The analysis enables to gain new insight into the reception and cultural working-through of the belated rapid modernization in Estonia. It also helps to explain the canonical position of Tammsaare’s novel in Estonian literature: The novel is a poetic tour de force that forges a both intra- and internationally acceptable model of modern Estonia.     

The Rastakhiz Party and Pahlavism: the beginnings of state anti-Westernism in Iran

The historiography of Pahlavi Iran has been unduly influenced, in the words of Cyrus Schayegh, by ‘a methodological statist’ paradigm based on the assumption that the state, dominating society, strove to implement radical Westernization while society’s role was passive and reactive—and that society did not exercise substantial influence on Pahlavi policy-making, in particular during the period covered here, 1967–1979. Consequently, a large gap between state and society emerged and in 1979 the monarchy was overthrown. This article argues that this paradigm needs revision given its inadequate attention to the changes the shah made in the state’s discourses on Westernization and Iranian authenticity and national identity in response to a growing societal and intellectual backlash to Pahlavi Westernization. The Rastakhiz Party and its publications played the key role in this emerging Pahlavi anti-Westernism. The article shows that these changes were more substantial and impactful on the state’s discourses on national identity and the West than has been assumed by existing literature.     

The campaign against the Anglo‐Iranian agreement of 1919

The Anglo‐Iranian agreement of 1919 was a major turning point both in the modern history of Iran and in her relations with Britain. It was the brainchild of Lord Curzon and the Foreign Office in which the other British government departments eventually acquiesced with reluctance, although the government of India retained its opposition to it. It failed because of the fears it created for the loss of Iran's independence, mainly as a result of the secrecy with which it had been negotiated, and the rigidity with which it was upheld. A vigorous campaign was conducted against it by Iranians as well as the United States, France and Russia. Yet it might not have failed had India, the India office, the Treasury and the War Office provided the requisite instruments for its success. Its failure resulted in the 1921 coup, the rise of Reza Khan and the Pahlavi state, and a new chapter in Anglo‐Iranian relations.     

A transnational political culture? The Alpine region and its relationship to European integration

This article deals with the political culture of the Alpine region, its expression in the strategies of regionalist and populist parties, and how this affects the relationship to European integration. The Alpine culture is a specific set of attitudes and values overlapping with religious, rural–urban and centre–periphery (ethno-linguistic) dimensions. These cultural elements are expressed in similar ways across national borders and are most visible in the Lega Nord in Italy, the Christlich-Soziale Union in Bavaria, the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs in Austria, and the Schweizerische Volkspartei in Switzerland. The Alpine political culture includes strong anti-modern features, emphasises issues such as ‘nature’ and Heimat in the political discourse, and incorporates religious and traditional attitudes. This type of political culture is particularly relevant as it may represent a crucial dimension in the emerging European-wide party system, presenting an alternative ‘image of Europe’ and European integration.     

The Role of Egyptian Influences on the Religious Dynamics and the Idea of Progress of Malaya's Kaum Muda (Young Faction) before the Second World War

Egyptian influences related to progress spread in Malaya before the Second World War through the journals published and the religious schools established by the Kaum Muda (The Young Faction). The Kaum Muda traced its origin from the reformist thinking of Mu?ammad Rashīd Ri?ā who published the journal al-Manār from 1898 in Egypt. To disseminate their reformist thought, the Kaum Muda published al-Imām from 23 July 1906, a journal that was directly influenced by al-Manār. Apart from publishing journals, the Kaum Muda, particularly its staunchest exponent, Sayyid Shaykh al-Hadi, also published books and novels with reformist themes, particularly on women’s emancipation. As well as using printed media to convey their messages, the Kaum Muda used modern religious education known as madrasa education, which was associated with reformist thinking, to spread their ideas and bring progress to Malay society.     

Muhammad Reza Pahlavi and the Bahrain Question, 1968–1970

This paper examines the role of Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, the late Shah of Iran, in the secret Anglo-Iranian negotiations over Bahrain from January 1968 to March 1970. Despite a clear strategic imperative for abandoning Iran's claim to Bahrain in the wake of the British withdrawal from the Persian Gulf, the Shah feared that such an act would be seen by the Iranian public as collusion with the British to surrender Iranian territory, thereby further eroding the Pahlavi monarchy's precarious legitimacy. Drawing on British official papers and Iranian oral histories and memoirs, this paper explores for the first time the story of these secret negotiations and the extent to which the Shah's diplomacy was constrained by domestic considerations.     

Art History, ‘National Art’ and Iranian Intellectuals in the 1960s

The 1960s were undoubtedly the most culturally productive period in the contemporary history of Iran. During these years, artistic trends as well as art historical practices attempted to present the idea of national art, while the intellectual atmosphere was charged with the conflicting ideologies of the Cold War. The Pahlavi state's cultural policies, based on its pro-Western and at the same time nationalist visions, were in contrast with most intellectuals' attitudes towards art, which mainly followed leftist ideologies. Within such an ideologically charged space, the idea of combining Euro-American modernism and traditional views formed the dominant discourse of modern Iranian art. This article maps the interconnections among artists, art historians and cultural custodians in 1960s Iran, and explores the ways in which nationalist, nativist, modernist and communist-Marxist ideologies influenced the artistic trends as well as art historical narratives. After focusing on the ways art history was introduced through Orientalist viewpoints in Iran, the article will shed light on the role of visual artists within the intellectual community of the 1960s. The idea of ‘national art’, epitomised in the movements of Saqqa khanih and Talar-i Iran, will then be analysed. Finally, the article will evaluate these artistic activities within their ideological framework.     

Reorganization of Working Time and Modalities of Employment under the New Turkish Labour Act

Islamism and nationalism are usually regarded as opposites. The main purpose of this article is to question that notion. Instead of conceptualizing these two clusters of ideologies as standing in contradiction to each other, it may be worthwhile to look for affinities between them. That argument is based on an analysis of the doctrine of sovereignty as it underlies modern nationalism (congruence between the state and nation) and how this idiom shows signs of similarities to the theory of the classical caliphate (congruence between the ruler and ummah). When modern nationalism enters the political scene of the Muslim Middle East, Islamic heritage will constitute an important element of the way the nation, in relation to the state, will come to be articulated. The article starts by discussing developments in three countries where the relationship between Islamism and nationalism has been sufficiently evident (Egypt, Iran, and Turkey), and concludes with a discussion of the need for a theory of modernity, especially when tracing the historical roots of modern ideologies such as nationalism and Islamism.     

The politics of literature: Writers,intellectuals and German unity

The relationship between politics and literature is beset by tensions and difficulties. The traditional dichotomy in Germany between ’Geist’ and ‘Macht’ has come to the fore again in debates about unity. The events of 1989/90 provoked a fierce controversy over the role of writers and intellectuals in both German states. This article chronicles the debate and seeks to place it in its socio‐political context: the alleged role of GDR writers as loyal supporters of their state, alleged complicity with the Stasi, and the supposed indifference of western writers to the German Question.     

Intellectuals and Political Power in Social Movements: The Parallel Paths of Fadlallah and Hizbullah

This article examines the intellectual impact of Ayatollah Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah (1935–2010) on Hizbullah's political behaviour. Many depicted Fadlallah as the ‘spiritual guide’ and ‘oracle’ of Hizbullah, while others accentuated his socio-political independence and the potential he represented as an ‘alternative’ to Hizbullah and Iran. This study argues that Fadlallah directly influenced Hizbullah's political worldviews, but the Islamic movement's socialisation in Lebanon, its dependence on Iran and its war with Israel have led it to pursue a separate path from Fadlallah. But despite the separation, the Ayatollah shared a common world vision with Hizbullah and the Islamic Republic, and would not have formed an alternative. The article is divided into two sections. The first examines the socio-political origins of Fadlallah and Hizbullah as an intellectual and a political movement, respectively, and conceptualises the discursive and political fields that motivate the behaviour of the two actors. The second section assesses the impact of Fadlallah's ideas on Hizbullah by focusing on three main themes: (1) Islamic liberation and resistance against injustice; (2) the Islamic state and Lebanon; and (3) Wilayat al-Faqih and Islamic Iran.     

More Soviet works on Iran

Richard Frye's The Heritage of Persia, translated as Naslyediye Irana, Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences’ History Section, 1972,468 pp.

Nicolas de Khanikoff's Mémoire sur la partie meridionale de I'Asie Centrale (originally published in Paris in 1862), translated as Ekspyeditisya v Khorasan, Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1973, 216 pp.

Sadeq Chubak, translated from the Persian as hbrannoye (Selections), Moscow, Khudodzhyestvynennaya Lityeratura Press, 1972,224 pp.

Lityeratura narodov Vostoka (The literature of the Peoples of the East), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1970, 190 pp.

Dzh. Dorri, Pyersidskaya satirichyeskaya proza: traditsiya i novatorstvo (Satirical Persian Prose: Tradition and Innovation), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1977, 216 pp.

Iranskoye Yazikoznaniye: Istoriya, etimologiya, tipologiya (Iranian Linguistics: History, Etymology, Typology), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Linguistics of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1976, 224 pp.

M. D. Milanyan's Gosudarstvyenniy stroy sovryemyennogo Irana (The Governmental Structure of Contemporary Iran), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Government and Law in the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1973,128 pp.

Ye. A. Doroshyenko's book, Shiitskoye dukhovyenstvo v sovryemyennom Irane (The Shiite Clergy in Contemporary Iran), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1975,172 pp.

Sh. M. Badi's Gorodskiye sryedniye sloi Irana (The Urban Middle Classes of Iran), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1977,232 pp.

A. Rasadi's Innostranniy kapital v Iraneposlye vtoroy mirovoy voyni (1945–1967 eg.) (Foreign Capital in Iran After the Second World War, 1945–1967), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, 1973,126 pp.

N. S. Tikhonov's Zapadnogyermanskiy kapital v Iranye (West‐German Capital in Iran), Baku, Elm Press for the Institute of the Peoples of the Near and Middle East of the Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences, 1972, 100 pp.

U. Z. Sharipov's Byudzhyet i byudzhyetnaya sistyema Irana (The Budget and the Budgetary System of Iran), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1976, 156 pp.

Istoriya Irana (The History of Iran) was prepared by the Oriental Faculty of Leningrad State University and published in Moscow, Moscow University Press, 1977, 488 pp.

Iran: ochyerki novyeyshyey istorii (Iran: Essays on Its Recent History), Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 1976, 470 pp. Edited by A. Z. Arabadzhyan     

The state and the stray dogs in late Ottoman Istanbul: from unruly subjects to servile friends

The present article situates the systemic efforts to annihilate stray dogs within the wider picture of Ottoman modernizing reforms in the nineteenth century. The period under investigation witnessed an increasing desire on the part of the modern Ottoman state to control and reform disenfranchised human and animal groups, which were believed to jeopardize public order, security and hygiene. These groups – beggars, orphans and the unemployed – were identified as actors irreconcilable with the modern image that the reforming bureaucracy and modernizing elites sought to project. In the face of increasing challenges from European powers, they were the epitome of underdevelopment and backwardness. Ottoman elites and official authorities therefore proposed and implemented institutional measures in the form of forced labor, reformatories or deportation to reform the conditions of these groups, segregate them from the greater public and discipline them. In the modern period, along with the proposals that called for the removal of dogs, modernizing intellectuals and professionals proposed alternative plans to render non-human animals beneficial to human needs and the modern state's expectations.     

The Heralds of Opposition to Perestroyka

A review and analysis is presented of substantive material published in the journals Nash sovremennik and Mohdaya gvardiya from Gorbachev's advent to power through roughly October 1989. The size of the journals' circulations is noted to assess the influence of writers who are in the vanguard of opposition to perestroyka. The article includes a section devoted to the tradition of Russian “thick journals.” It concludes by examining the popularity and power of Russian nationalism in relation to peresiroyka and the nature of the opposition to it as reflected in both journals. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Number: 052.     

Alternatives to the constitution of Cádiz in New Spain: republicanism and the insurgent constitutional decree of Apatzingán (1814)

This article compares the Decreto Constitucional para la libertad de la América Mexicana, published in Apatzingán by the insurgents of New Spain in 1814, with the 1812 Constitution of Cádiz which established a constitutional monarchy in the Spanish Empire. It argues that the Decreto Constitucional cannot be understood as simply a product of Hispanic political thought and a reflection of the Cádiz text. Rather, it contends that the decree published in Apatzingán represents an alternative republican response to the dissolution of the Spanish monarchy. This alternate constitutional settlement drew on the debate of constitutional ideas that had taken place in New Spain since 1808 and was grounded in many of the same ideas as those present in the Pennsylvanian Constitution of 1776 and the first French republican constitutions of 1793 and 1795.     

The council of expediency: crisis and statecraft in Iran and beyond

Abstract

Giorgio Agamben argues that in contemporary governance the use of ‘emergency’ is no longer provisional, but ‘constitutes a permanent technology of government’ and has produced the extrajudicial notion of crisis. The engendering of ‘zones of indistinction’ between the law and its practice is what Agamben defines as a ‘state of exception’. This article adopts the notion enunciated by Agamben and revisits it in the Islamic Republic of Iran. There, the category of crisis has been given, firstly, a juridical status through the institution of maslahat, ‘expediency’, interpreted in a secular encounter between Shi^ca theological exegesis and modern statecraft. Secondly, crisis has not led to the production of a ‘state of exception’ as Agamben argues. Instead, since the late 1980s, a sui generis institution, the Expediency Council, has presided and decided over matters of crisis. Instead of leaving blind spots in the production of legislative power, the Expediency Council takes charge of those spheres of ambiguity where the ‘normal’ – and normative – means of the law would have otherwise failed to deliver. This is a first study of this peculiar institution, which invites further engagement with political phenomena through the deconstruction and theorization of crisis politics.     

Book reviews: South Asia

This policy essay examines the historical and policy evolution in Bhutan from the creation of Bhutan in the 1600s to 2014. An examination of the overarching policy intent of Gross National Happiness is reviewed as well as how modern political institutions in Bhutan implement Gross National Happiness. In the 17^th and 18^th centuries, the new Bhutanese state founded by the Shabrung Ngawang Namgyal established its political and institutional right and legitimacy to rule based on Mahayana Buddhism canonical tenets, including ensuring that Bhutanese citizens could obtain Enlightenment and happiness. A modern manifestation of this historical precedent for state and political institutional intervention to promote collective happiness is embodied in the policy of Gross National Happiness. This essay concludes by noting that modern Gross National Happiness is a holistic development approach based on a trend emanating from more ancient Mahayana Buddhist traditions Gross National Happiness balanced with modern economic, governmental, and social conditions with Mahayana Buddhist spiritual requirements embodied in Gross National Happiness.     

A letter from Iraq: the writing of Iraqi correspondents in al-ʿAlam al-ʾIsraʾili and Israʾil

The most extensive participation of Jews in the literary Arabic revival (The Nahda) was in monarchial Iraq. Jewish Intellectuals had contributed to the development of national Iraqi culture. These intellectuals have been studied in the context of the non-Jewish Iraqi intellectuals, focusing on their national and cultural integration in the new Iraqi state. This article observes the participation of those intellectuals in two non-Iraqi Jewish journals which were published in literary Arabic, Isra?il, published in Cairo, and al-?Alam al-Isra?ili, published in Beirut. By changing the point of view from Iraqi Jews in the non-Jewish Iraqi cultural sphere to Iraqi Jews in a non-Iraqi Jewish cultural sphere, the article examines their relation between Iraqi identity and the national Jewish identity.     

The Constitutional Movement and the Baha'is of Iran: The Creation of an ‘Enemy Within’

This article looks at the role of the Baha'is in the Constitutional Revolution of Iran, 1906–1911. It propounds three major theses. First, that when the royalists and anti-constitutionalist clerics accused the Constitutionalists of being “Babis”, it was the Baha'i community that they were referring to rather than the Azali Babis. Second, that the Baha'is had a complex relationship with the Constitutionalist Movement, sometimes supporting it and sometimes abstaining from involvement in politics, but that in any case, the impact of the Baha'is on the reformers and on the Revolution has been underestimated by most writers. Third, that, despite their closeness in terms of ideas about social reform, the enmity of the Azalis and clerics caused the Baha'is to be excluded from the reform legislation resulting from the Constitutional Revolution and effectively to be excluded from Iranian society. It resulted in the creation of an “enemy within”. Some of the consequences of this both for the Baha'is and for Iran are discussed.     

Lebanese Shi‵ites and The Marja‵iyya: Polemic in the Late Twentieth Century

The marja‵iyya (rank of legal exemplar among Twelver Shi‵ites) is part of a complex system of legal guidance, socio-religious management, economic administration and political negotiation at the seminaries, and in local, regional, and international settings. In Lebanon, the crisis of the modern state, the Shi‵ites' ambiguous national position, deterioration of their rural regions, struggle with Israel, and the Civil War (1975–1990), valorized political Shi'ism, and its spokesmen. Common Shi‵ites searched for new readings of spiritual and temporal leadership in modern society. Yet, neither proposals for a hierarchical structuring of the marja‵iyya, nor for its systematization under Iran's vali-ye faqīh (deputy of the jurist), succeeded in gaining majority support in Lebanon. Meanwhile, the muqallidūn (emulators of a marja‵) benefited from the non-institutional base and non-hierarchical character of Shi‵ite legal-spiritual authority of the marja‵iyya to achieve a measure of control over the ‘post’ through the dynamics of civil society. Facing a large number of competing marāji‵(pl. of marja‵), the laity felt empowered to give or withdraw critical support from a potential marja‵ and to defy formal designations of marāji‵ by Najaf and Qum within their locales in Jabal ‵Amil (south Lebanon), the Biqa‵ and Beirut.