共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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8月14日,黎巴嫩真主党和以色列开始执行联合国安全理事会通过的1701号决议案,历时一个多月的黎以冲突终于告一段落.表面上看,这场地区战争的主体是以色列和黎巴嫩真主党,实际上参与战争的远不止这两个国家.有人将这场战争称为"代理人战争",以色列是美国的代理人,真主党游击队是伊朗、叙利亚的代理人,这种说法尽管与事实有一定的差距,但也从一个侧面说明黎巴嫩、以色列之外的国家在战争中发挥着重要作用. 相似文献
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2006年8月1日美国http://fbc.binghamton.edu网站发表了美国著名左翼学者沃勒斯坦题为《以色列能达到什么目的?》的文章,展望了7月份爆发的黎以冲突的前景,评论了以色列长期以来在中东的立国战略,认为以色列和美国一样,意图通过武力达到目的,这在未来是行不通的。文章主要内容如下。以色列于1948年建国。从那以后,以色列国内的犹太人和阿拉伯人之间、以色列和邻国之间就不断发生暴力冲突。有时候,暴力冲突处于低水平甚至隐而不见。而每隔一段时间,暴力冲突便升级为公开交战,就像现在这样。全面暴力冲突一旦爆发,人们马上就开始讨论是什么导… 相似文献
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以色列军政首脑已扬言要大举进攻消灭真主党,但历史经验表明,这可能适得其反。此次冲突起因于两名以军士兵被黎巴嫩真主党武装绑架,以色列新政府反应强烈,大动干戈。与沙龙执政时期对巴勒斯坦人的有限报复措施形成鲜明对照。 相似文献
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在西方各国喜迎2001年圣诞佳节之际,阿根廷却陷入政治、经济和社会的全面危机.继去年7月阿政府宣布实行零赤字计划引发金融动荡以来,阿经济形势迅速恶化并导致社会动荡.德拉鲁阿总统终因无法控制局面而于去年12月20日宣布辞职,反对党正义党人萨阿被国会任命为阿代总统.但好景不长,萨阿及其内阁全体成员就职一周后就在人民的抗议声中被迫辞职.最后接过烫手山芋临危受命总统一职的是上届全国大选中败于德拉鲁阿的正义党总统候选人杜阿尔德,其任期至2003年底结束.阿根廷这个拉美第三经济强国,在世纪之交却濒临经济崩溃的边缘并造成政府连续更迭,其深刻原因令人深思. 相似文献
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2009年5月16日,号称“世界上最大民主选举”的印度第十五届人民院选举结果公布,执政的印度国大党在总共543个人民院直选席位中得到206席,稳坐议会第一大党交椅,成为本次大选最大的赢家。国大党领导的竞选同盟团结进步联盟表现突出,共赢得262席。而印度人民党作为最大反对党和唯一能与国大党抗衡的全国性政党, 相似文献
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2007年9月30日,乌克兰举行了议会选举,这是其自1991年独立以来首次提前举行议会选举。根据乌中央选举委员会公布的最终结果,共有5个党派得票率超过3%,进入新一届议会。亚努科维奇领导的地区党获得议会450个议席中的175席,季莫申科联盟156席,尤先科的"我们的乌克兰-人民自卫"联盟72席,乌克兰共产党27席, 相似文献
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Non‐fiction reviews Undoing Independence: regionalism and the reincorporation of Transkei into South Africa. Andrew Donaldson, Julia Segar and Roger Southall (eds), Grahamstown: Institute of Social and Economic Research, Rhodes University, 1992. (Special Issue of Journal of Contemporary African Studies 11(2); published mid‐1993) pp 281 US$12.00 pb Frontiers. The Epic of South Africa's Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People. Noel Mostert, London: Jonathan Cape, 1992, pp xxix + 1355. £25 Ghana and the Rawlings Factor. by Kevin Shillington, London: Macmillan, 1992, pp 184, £5.95 pb, £14.95 hb Staying Poor. Ghana's Political Economy, 1950–1990. by Douglas Rimmer, Oxford: Pergamon Press (for the World Bank), 1992 pp Class, Politics and Ideology in the Iranian Revolution. by Mansoor Moaddel, New York and Oxford: Columbia University Press, 1993, pp 309, $43.50 hb The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality. by John L Esposito, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp 212, $22.00 hb. Latin American Theories of Development and Underdevelopment. by Cristobal Kay, London and New York: Routledge, 1989, pp 295 Communications and the ‘Third World’. by Geoffrey Reeves, London: Routledge, 1993, pp 277, £12.99 pb A New World Order: Grassroots Movements for Global Change. by Paul Ekins, London: Routledge, 1992, pp 248, £9.99 pb Reference reviews Directory of African Film‐Makers and Films. Compiled and edited by Keith Shiri, Trowbridge, Wiltshire: Hicks Books, 1992, pp 194, £33.00 hb The Penguin History of Latin America. by Edwin Williamson, London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 1992, pp 631, £25.00 hb The United Nations Library on Transnational Corporations. Edited by John Dunning The Theory of Transnational Corporations. Vol 1 Transnational Corporations: a historical perspective. Vol 2 Transnational Corporations and Economic Development. Vol 3. Transnational Corporations and Business Strategy. Vol 4. London: Routledge, 1992, total pp 1644, Boxed set of four volumes: £350.00. Green Globe Yearbook 1992. Edited by H O Bergesen, M Norderhaug and G Parmann, For Fridtjof Nansen Institute, Norway Oxford &; New York: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp 303, £25.00 hb World Resources 1992–93: A Guide to the Global Environment. Toward Sustainable Development. by The World Resources Institute, In collaboration with United Nations Oxford &; New York: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp 385, £15.95 Millennium: Tribal Wisdom and the Modern World. by David Maybury‐Lewis, London: Viking, 1992, pp 397, £17.99 pb 相似文献
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Gianluca Iazzolino 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(10):2242-2257
The role of new media in shaping the interactions of formal and informal leaders with their audiences is frequently misunderstood and often narrowly focussed on electoral processes and political competition. By weaving together strands of scholarship on political communication and political settlement while engaging with concepts of hybrid governance and leadership more prevalent in the African studies literature, this article takes a different, wider focus. We attempt to knit a framework that challenges normative assumptions on institutional communicative practices and considers the role of power, leadership and communications in both exacerbating and mitigating violent conflict in emerging and consolidating democracies. By bringing together disparate strands of scholarship that are rarely in dialogue, we question a characterisation that contrasts vertical mainstream media with more horizontal and inclusive social media, arguing that a more nuanced view of the political significance of these spaces is required, one that highlights their interplay and blurs the boundaries between online and offline. In doing so, the article places power at the centre of analysis to examine how entrenched relations of patronage can be left unscathed, transformed or even reinforced by networked forms of communication. 相似文献
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Helga Haftendorn 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(1):51-68
This article seeks to clarify the conceptual usefulness of the concept of complex political emergency (CPE) through an analysis of the Central American conflicts and post-conflict reconstruction. It argues that CPEs are a distinct category of conflicts of the 1990s, characterised by state collapse/failure in countries with historically weak states and where the dynamic of globalisation has undermined the relevance of state- and nation-building to owners of capital and power. In addition, they coincide with the collapse of universal mobilising principles into multipolar struggles around particular interests. Central America, like many of the countries where the term CPE is applicable, is on the periphery of the global economy. Its civil war in the 1980s, however, was driven by qualitatively different factors. Nevertheless, Central America has been affected in the 1990s by the same forces which currently affect CPEs. These forces have seriously undermined the post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding processes in the region, despite a considerable and in many respects creative set of initiatives by international donors, particularly at the micro level. 相似文献
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Most contemporary analysts explain ethnic identity as a socially rooted phenomenon which can be catalyzed by changes in both
economic and political conditions. Taking the 1982 debt crisis as a main triggering event, this article analyzes the relationship
between economic adjustment and increasing levels of indigenous mobilization in Latin America. Through a comparison of the
Bolivian, Peruvian, and Mexican cases,the analysis reveals wide variation in the types and levels of ethnic conflict in the
region. Explanations for these differences center on the timing and content of economic adjustment policies, and on the institutional
opportunities available for expressing and channeling economic and political demands. The article concludes that political
and economic liberalization are likely to clash when shrinking the state also removes channels for popular participation;
moreover, when those that bear most of the adjustment burden are also challengers to national identity, states ignore this
challenge at their peril.
Alison Brysk is assistant professor of politics at the University of California at Irvine. Her book,The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina, was published by Stanford University Press. Various aspects of her current research on Latin American indigenous rights
movements have appeared inComparative Political Studies, Latin American Perspectives, andPolity.
Carol Wise is assistant professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies.
She has published articles on Latin American political economy inInternational Organization, Latin American Research Review, and theJournal of Latin American Studies; she is the editor of a forthcoming collection entitledThe Post-NAFTA Political Economy: Mexico and the Western Hemisphere. 相似文献
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