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1.
Abstract: The administrative discretion of civil servants is a central topic in public administration literature. Some authors view it as necessary and beneficial, while other researchers see it is a source of widespread abuse. However, reforms inspired by the “new public management” taking place in a number of public administrations are promoting greater managerial flexibility. In parallel with these modernization initiatives directed at administration, scandals continue to shake politico‐administrative life, and ethical issues are increasingly at the heart of public action. It is within this context that we question the relationship between an increasing managerial discretion and the development of an ethics infrastructure. Which areas are at risk? Can ethics help overcome the potential abuses of power? How do managers perceive their ability to be flexible and the role of ethics in their work? How do you implement the ethical requirements developed in various standards documents? These are the principal themes addressed in this article that presents the findings of a qualitative case study conducted in a Quebec ministry in 2008–2009. Our results show that, contrary to what promoters of the new public management claim, managers have little, if any, discretionary power in matters of financial management. Their actions and decisions are strictly governed by hierarchical control mechanisms or a computer system. This explains in part why taking ownership of general principles and establishing an ethics infrastructure remain a formal process.  相似文献   

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Abstract: In the next few years, Quebec's public service will be facing a problem of labour retention. With many public-service employees due to retire, the number of young people old enough to enter the job market will likely not be sufficient to fill the voids created by their departure. At the request of the Treasury Board Secretariat, we conducted a survey of young public servants in an effort to determine whether they were planning to leave the public service in the next few years and, if so, the reasons for their decision. This study presents the results of that survey. We noted a certain dissatisfaction surrounding issues related to working conditions. However, we also found that a good number of young public servants identify with the objectives of the public service. The government can certainly gain important benefits from this in order to position itself as an “employer of choice.”  相似文献   

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The author starts from the premise of the lack of genuine parliamentary control of public administrators. This deficiency in our political institutions is attributed to three reasons. First, the administrative extension gradually given to the notion of ministerial responsibility is a useless fiction for both government and opposition: partisan debate centres round policy issues, not administrative ones, and the smooth line of authority between a minister and ‘his’ civil servants is purely fictitious. Second, one can define evaluation criteria for public administration and they can be used by Parliament without risk of confusing administrative and policy issues. Under such criteria a refutable presumption of responsibility for public administrators would replace the present general assumption of non-responsibility. Third, provided adequate procedural safeguards are taken, the conceptual distinction between politicians' and civil servants' responsibility could be maintained in practice.  相似文献   

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Abstract. The state has become an economic agency of considerable importance. The reason given for the increasing size of the state is the feeling that the working of free markets leads to disappointing results. However, this view itself is often an illusion, since it is impossible to achieve the operational goals by which private action is judged. At that point the state takes over the allocation of resources, but its intervention also implies an unattainable goal. The state acts without specific rules of behaviour linking the goals of its intervention with the action itself. This often creates a gap between the benefits of the state action and the resources which the so-called beneficiaries are called upon to contribute. This occurs because, without any control or assessment, the actions depart from their initial goals, either because the would-be beneficiaries are no longer the ones who in fact benefit, or else because the promises made at the time of the intervention cannot be kept. This problem is illustrated by three examples. The theme of this paper is that the absence of rules of behaviour incites those who subsidize the state to withdraw their participation. The administrative attempts of the ppbs type did not produce good results. In conclusion, the article suggests that legislation which generates a program of activities should include both the evaluation process and a time limit for a legislative review.  相似文献   

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Sommaire. L'accroissement des responsabilités de l'Administration n'altère pas fondamentalement le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs, mais s'inscrit plutôt dans un processus normal d'ajustcment et d'évolution de ce principe, en harmonie avec le développement de notre société moderne. En réalité, si l'Assemblée nationale délègue de plus en plus de pouvoirs à l'Administration en matière de réglementation et de discrétion administrative, et au pouvoir judiciaire en établissant des normes de portée générale, elle en surveille et précise cependant l'exercice. Ainsi, l'adoption prochaine d'une loi sur les règlements viendra redonner à l'Assemblée nationale un droit de regard plus important sur l'exercice des pouvoirs réglementaires. Quant à la délégation de pouvoirs discrétionnaires, l'Assemblée nationale s'est dotée de certains outils de contrôle qui relévent directement de son autorité, comme le Protecteur du citoyen et le Vérificateur général. Enfin, l'Assemblée nationale peut, à l'occasion, revoir la délégation implicite faite au pouvoir judiciaire lorsqu'elle édicte des normes de portée générale dont l'interprétation revient aux tribunaux pour fixer dans la loi la portée des décisions jurisprudentielles ou même pour s'en écarter. Le pouvoir judiciaire, quant à lui, se trouve plutôt renforcé qu'érodé. Les mesures d'accessibilitéà la justice et la prolifération des lois et règlements accroissent ses possibilités d'intervention: on assiste, depuis les dix dernières années, à une augmentation importante du nombre de juges et du personnel de soutien aux tribunaux du Québec; enfin, une loi récente augmente l'autonomie du pouvoir judiciaire en créant le Conseil de la Magistrature, organisme doté de pouvoirs décisionnels en matière de perfectionnement des juges et de déontologie, et en réorganisant la structure administrative de la Magistrature. Abstract. The increase in the administration's responsibilities does not fundamentally alter the principle of separation of powers, but is rather a part of the normal process of adjustment and evolution of that principle, in tune with the development of our modern society. In fact, although the National Assembly delegates more and more authority to the administration in the areas of regulatory activity and administrative judgement, and to the judiciary by establishing generally applicable standards, it nevertheless oversees and defines those activities. Thus, the adoption in the near future of a law governing regulations will give the National Assembly greater control over regulatory activities. As far as the delegation of discretionary powers is concerned, the National Assembly has means of control dependent on its own authority such as the Ombudsman (Protecteur du citoyen) and the Auditor General. Finally, the National Assembly may, on occasion, review the implicit delegation of powers to the judiciary when it enacts standards of a general nature which must be interpreted by the courts so that the import of jurisprudential decisions may be codified in law, or even be disregarded. The judiciary is, in fact, reinforced rather than weakened. Improved access to the law and the proliferation of laws and regulations have increased its avenues of intervention; in the last ten years there has been a substantial increase in the number of judges and support staff in Quebec courts; finally, a recent law has increased the autonomy of the judiciary by creating the Bench Council (Conseil de la magistrature), a body which has decision-making powers in the fields of further training for judges, and professional ethics and the reorganization of the administrative structure of the magistracy.  相似文献   

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Abstract. The author develops three main propositions on regional inequalities and related policies. First, regional inequalities of incomes and salaries do not originate from differences in productivity but the other way round. Low productivity results from low wages, which are in turn rooted in conditions of overpopulation in certain areas. As for differences in unemployment levels, they are brought about by government-determined barriers to the smooth adaptation of labour supply to demand conditions, including minimum wage legislation, union power and job licensing legislated by governments (Rand formula, closed corporations). Second proposition: Regional policies, of which DREE'S activities are only a part, have had minimal effects on the redistribution of investments and employment between the various regions. In addition such poor results as have been achieved represent a heavy burden on taxpayers, as well as on workers through the misallocation of capital. Finally, in addition to being inefficient, policies with strong regional incidences do exert a real wealth transfer effect. This is the basis for their adoption, given the institutional setting in which the public sector operates. The benefits of regional subsidies are concentrated in the hands of a small number of individuals in outlying areas, whereas the burden is thinly & on the whole of the Canadian (or provincial) population. Each beneficiary has more to gain from these measures than each loser stands to lose.  相似文献   

8.
This article focuses on how control is exercised in the Canadian federal administrative system. More specifically, it aims to determine whether the management philosophy introduced by the Canadian federal government in 2000, which advocated for greater flexibility in the system, is reflected in government policies. The research examines the content of Canadian federal government financial management policies between 2000 and 2018.  相似文献   

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Horizontal management raises significant challenges, particularly when assessing the performance of public programs. This case study focuses on Quebec’s Supplement to the Work Premium (SWP), a social and fiscal cross-ministerial measure, which was never subjected to any performance assessment since its introduction in 2008. We report on findings from interviews with public servants and attempt to explain how the SWP became a social and fiscal measure managed by three public organizations (ministère des Finances du Québec, Revenu Québec and the ministère du Travail, de l’Emploi et de la Solidarité sociale). Then, we analyze the implementation and performance evaluation of the measure. We argue there is a disjuncture between official and informal responsibilities when assessing the SWP and between the interests of the organizations involved in the assessment.  相似文献   

10.
In appearance, the movie Un Amour de Swann directed by Volker Schlondorff is an adaptation of Prust’s novel A la Recherche du Temps Perdu by drawing up certain episodes from the original. But in reality, it is a reproduction of the text concerning the narration, time and space with Swann as the center, based on the original text. The appearance of Un Amour de Swann is a new attempt at interpretation, thus providing a new model in the adaptation and research between movies and literature.  相似文献   

11.
Sommaire : Les politiques publiques du travail ont été conçues pour offrir des mesures de protection aux salariés travaillant à temps plein, pour un seul employeur, sous son contrôle et sur les lieux de l'entreprise. Or, le marché du travail est aujourd'hui composé d'une pluralité de relations d'emploi qui limitent l'efficacité de ces protections. Ce constat soulève la question suivante : que devraient contenir les politiques publiques pour être mieux adaptées au marché du travail? La première partie de cet article examine les voies de renouvellement possible des politiques publiques pour tenir compte des transformations du travail et de l'entreprise. Certaines suggèrent de faire reposer l'octroi de droits et d'avantages sur l'existence d'un travail ou d'une activité professionnelle alors que d'autres les rattachent à l'individu ou au citoyen. Ces propositions ne pourront cependant voir le jour que si elles font l'objet d'une appropriation par les acteurs sociaux et étatiques. Une réflexion sur le contenu des politiques doit ainsi être combinée à l'étude des processus sociaux susceptibles de faire émerger de telles réformes. Cette question est abordée dans la deuxième partie de l'article à partir de trois exemples récents de réformes législatives. Abstract: Public labour policies were developed to ensure the protection of workers who work for one employer on a full‐time basis, at the employer's place of work and under his control. However, today's labour market is composed of a multiplicity of employment relations that limit the effectiveness of the protection. This raises the following question: what features should public policies include to better meet the needs of the labour market? The first part of this article examines how public policies could be renewed in order to take work and organizational transformations into account. Some policies suggest that rights and benefits should be granted on the basis of a job or professional activity, whereas others link rights and benefits to the individual or the citizen. However, these proposals will only emerge if they are appropriated by social and governmental stakeholders. A reflection on the content of the policies must therefore be undertaken in combination with a study of the social processes that may influence the emergence of such reforms. This question is examined in the second part of the article through a review of three recent examples of legislative reform initiatives.  相似文献   

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“Government reform has broad goals ‐ npm is more effective at the narrow end of measuring client satisfaction. [1]f fundamental public policy issues are not dealt with adequately then well‐managed policy implementation cannot lead to effective public policy.” The Global Public Management Revolution: A Report on the Transformation of Governance. By donald f. kettl. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution. 2000. Pp. vii, 87. Bureaucracy and the Alternatives in World Perspective. Edited by keith m. Henderson and O.P. dwivedi. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1999. Pp. xx, 330. The New Public Management: International Developments. Edited by david barrows and h. ian macdonald. Toronto: Captus Press. 2000. Pp. xiii, 225.  相似文献   

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Abstract: In the past several years, a number of countries have substantially reformed the administrative structures of their national museums in order to make these institutions more popular, efficient and profitable. This has led to a certain shift in the way national museums' traditional public missions are viewed. By favouring administrative decentralization and self-financing strategies, several of these reforms have also helped to shape the functions traditionally performed by museums by encouraging activities that are more likely to generate income rather than behind-the-scenes activities such as research. In light of the major administrative changes being made at national museums, this article aims to examine research as a public mission of Canada's national museums, in order to determine the impact of these reforms on the administration and regulation procedures that apply to this important yet albeit very discreet museological function. Beginning with the discussions focusing on the decentralization of heritage in the 1980s, and going through the dissolution of the National Museums of Canada Corporation in 1987 and the implementation of strategic planning systems in the 1990s, we note a gradual decrease in professional self-regulation as it applies to curators, as well as a certain decline in curators' academic autonomy in terms of their ability to control research activity initiatives.  相似文献   

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Abstract. Surprisingly, little has been written in Canada about the Prime Minis-tership. Even less has been written about the Prime Minister's Office. This is not so surprising. A large and active Prime Minister's Office is a recent phenomenon having no precedent in British or Canadian political practice. Constitutionally, it might be argued that a Prime Minister's Office should not exist at all. The fact is, however, that it does exist in Canada, and that in recent years it has grown substantially in size and influence. This paper is in two parts. The first part outlines some of the key changes that have taken place in the Office since the election of Prime Minister Trudeau in 1968. The second part outlines some of the problems associated with this growth and suggests some ways in which the Office might be strengthened while ensuring that it respects the fundamental principles of parliamentary government. This paper concludes that the Prime Minister's Office, as it has developed in Canada during the past five years, performs a largely constructive role and that with certain adaptations and safeguards it will cmtinue to provide highly useful assistance to the Prime Minister in the execution of his increasingly varied and complex range of responsibilities. Sommaire. Il est surprenant de constater qu'il a été peu écrit au Canada sur le poste de Premier Ministre et encore moins sur le bureau du Premier Ministre. Ceci est moins étonnant. L'existence d'un bureau important et actif est un phénomène récent qui n'a pas de précédent dans la pratique politique britannique ou canadienne. Du point de vue constitutionnel, on pourrait soutenir que le bureau du Premier Ministre n'existe pas. Il n'en reste pas moins que son existence est un fait au Canada et qu'au cours des dernières années, ses proportions et son influence n'ont fait qu'augmenter. Cette communication est en deux parties. Dans la première, l'auteur expose les changements fondamentaux survenus dans le bureau depuis l'élection du Premier Ministre Trudeau en 1968. Dans la deuxième, il expose certains des problèmes qu'a suscité cette croissance et propose différents moyens de renforcer le bureau tout en s'assurant qu'il respecte les principes fondamentaux de gouvernement parlementaire. L'auteur conclut en déclarant que le bureau du Premier Ministre, tel qu'il s'est développé au Canada au cours des cinq dernières années joue un rôle surtout constructif et qu'avec certains ajustements et sauvegardes, il pourra continuer à fournir une aide extrêmement appréciable au Premier Ministre, dans l'exercice des fonctions de plus variées et complexes qui sont les siennes.  相似文献   

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