Evangelizing Congress: The Emergence of Evangelical Republicans and Party Polarization in Congress

The realignment of evangelical voters is well‐documented, but religion's impact within Congress is less clear. New data on home churches of members of Congress shows that the realignment of congressional evangelicals, combined with their growth and distinctly conservative legislative behavior, has significantly contributed to party polarization in Congress. Controlling for other factors, evangelicals are significantly more conservative than members of other religious traditions. This conservatism also has second‐order effects on the polarization of the House, where their more partisan proposals comprise a larger share of the roll‐call agenda when Republicans are in the majority. Moreover, evangelical Republicans in Congress differ significantly from evangelical Democrats in terms their geography, denominations, and experiences prior to Congress.     

Sources of Dissidence : Soviet Youth After the Twentieth Party Congress

In memory of my parents and my grandmother, who saw much and endured much.     

Ideological Distance from the Majority Party and Public Approval of Congress

Abstract: We analyze whether or not perceived ideological distance from the congressional majority party influences individuals' approval of the way Congress as a whole handles its job. We argue that, to the extent citizens see the majority party as representing an ideological stance that is distant from their own, they are unlikely to feel that Congress is representing them and therefore will be less supportive toward Congress. In contrast, when members of the public feel that the congressional majority is close to them ideologically, they are likely to feel well represented by and thereby approve of Congress. Using cross‐sectional data covering periods of Democratic, Republican, and split party control of Congress (1980–98), this analysis provides strong support for the ideological proximity argument.     

深入贯彻落实党的十七大精神不断开创知识产权工作新局面——在全国知识产权局局长会议上的讲话

编者按:2008年1月29日,全国知识产权局局长会议在京举行,国务院副总理吴仪出席会议并强调,发展知识产权事业要有世界的眼光和战略意识,要认真学习贯彻党的十七大精神,抓住机遇,团结奋斗,在新的历史起点上做好知识产权工作.国家知识产权局局长田力普做了题为<深入贯彻落实党的十七大精神不断开创知识产权工作新局面>的工作报告,本刊将报告予以全文刊登.     

The Electoral Consequences of Party Switching by Incumbent Members of Congress, 1947–2000

What are the electoral consequences of switching parties for incumbent members of Congress? Do incumbents who switch fare better or worse after their switch? Aldrich (1995) and Aldrich and Bianco (1992) present a model of party affiliation for all candidates. We empirically extend this model for incumbent legislators who have switched parties. Specifically, we look at the universe of incumbent representatives who have run for Congress under more than one party label since World War II. We find that the primary and general election vote shares for party switchers are not as high after the switch as before. Additionally, we learn that party switching causes the primaries in the switcher's party and in the the opposing party (the switcher's “old” party) to become more competitive in the short run. Over the long run, however, primaries in the switcher's new party are less competitive than those in the old party before the switch.     

Problems of Research EN Party History in the Light of the Decisions of the 22nd Congress of the CPSU

The 22nd Congress of the CPSU called upon all personnel in the ideological field to increase their activity in the communist education of the working people of Soviet society, and in shaping their scientific world outlook on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. In the new Party Program adopted by the Congress we read: "The Party poses the objective of educating the entire population in the spirit of scientific communism so as to give the working people a thorough understanding of the course and prospects of world development, enabling them to analyze correctly events within the country and on a world scale, and to build their lives consciously on a communist pattern." (1)     

深入学习贯彻党的十七大精神

当前,全党全国各族人民都在学习贯彻党的十七大精神,摆在我们司法行政系统面前首要的政治任务,也是认真学习党的十七大精神,全面贯彻党的十七大精神。如何深入学习十七大精神,深入贯彻落实科学发展观,是当前和今后一个时期全国司法行政系统上上下下需要认真思考的重要课题。十七大是在我国改革发展关键阶段召开的一次十分重要的大会。大会科学地回答了党在改革发展关键阶段举什么旗、走什么路、以什么样的精神状态、朝着什么样的发展目标继续前进等重大问题。十七大报告描绘的继续全面建设小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化宏伟蓝图,极大地…     

Tarnishing Opponents,Polarizing Congress: The House Minority Party and the Construction of the Roll‐Call Record

Existing research on congressional parties tends to focus almost exclusively on the majority party. I argue that the inattention to the House minority party hampers our understanding of the construction of the roll‐call record and, consequently, our understanding of the sources of polarization in congressional voting. Employing an original data set of House members' requests for recorded votes between 1995 and 2010, I demonstrate that votes demanded by the minority party are disproportionately divisive and partisan and make Congress appear considerably more polarized based on commonly used measures. Moreover, minority‐requested votes make vulnerable members of the majority appear more partisan and ideologically extreme.     

Differences and Changes in Danish Party Organisations: Central Party Organisation versus Parliamentary Party Group Power

The subject of this article is the relationship between the central party organisation and the parliamentary party group. The article investigates whether Danish political parties are changing into parties dominated by their parliamentary party groups, as has been hypothesised. In contrast to most of the literature on party change, which is based on ideas of convergence caused by external changes, this article argues that party organisation is basically a party decision and therefore influenced by party preferences and characteristics. The analyses are based on data from the statutes of 16 Danish parties in over 50 years. One noteworthy finding is that Danish parties do not converge. Party ideology proves to be very important for the power structure of a party. Even though political parties are exposed to changing political circumstances they still organise according to their basic ideas about democracy and representation.     

准确把握新时代习近平新闻舆论思想的核心内涵——深入学习习近平总书记十九大报告精神

十九大报告中,习近平提出的坚定文化自信,推动社会主义文化繁荣兴盛,为新闻舆论工作提出了新要求、指明了新方向。新时代习近平新闻舆论思想的核心内涵,主要包括强调坚持意识形态工作的极端重要性,牢牢掌握意识形态工作领导权;强调新闻舆论工作的党性原则,坚持党性和人民性相统一;强调新闻舆论工作的导向原则,牢牢坚持正确舆论导向;强调新闻舆论工作的创新理念,高度重视传播手段建设和创新;强调新闻舆论工作的互联网思维,深入开展互联网内容建设。新闻传播领域深入学习贯彻习近平十九大报告重要讲话精神,必须准确把握新时代习近平新闻舆论思想的深刻内涵,使党的新闻工作成为全党全国各族人民为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而团结奋斗的强大力量。     

How Strong Should Our Party Be? Party Member Preferences Over Party Cohesion

In this article, we seek to explain when and why political parties pressure their members to vote with the party. We model party cohesion as an endogenous choice of preference alignment by party members. Couched in Krehbiel's (1996, 1998) pivotal politics model, the formal theory advanced here shows party cohesion to be related to the initial preference alignment of party members, the divergence in preferences between parties, the cohesion of the opposing party, the party's size, and the party's majority or minority status. We solved the model analytically for generalized‐partial equilibrium results and further analyzed it through computer simulations. We tested the model's predictions in the U.S. Senate using Rice party cohesion scores from the 46th through 104th Congresses. The data analyses show strong support for this theory of endogenous choice of party pressure.     

学习贯彻落实十七届六中全会精神 不断推进劳教戒毒场所文化建设工作

党的十七届六中全会是在全面建设小康社会的关键时期,在深化改革开放、加快转变经济发展方式的攻坚时期召开的一次重要会议。全会从中国特色社会主义事业总体布局的高度,提出了深化文化体制改革、推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣,进一步兴起社会主义文化建设新高潮,     

Moderate Caucuses in a Polarised US Congress

Despite putting themselves in a thorny relationship with heavy-handed party leaders, some US legislators continue to join moderate coalitions. To understand why, this article derives seven explicit hypotheses concerning electoral, institutional, and strategic dimensions and tests them on two moderate coalitions from the 107th to the 110th Congress (2001–8): the Republican Main Street Partnership and the New Democrat Coalition, along with the Senate's ‘Gang of 14’ during the 109th Congress (2005–6). The article finds that, as expected, a member's ideology and previous affiliation strongly predict who joins these caucuses. What is surprising from the findings is that the constituencies' partisanship does not always predict the legislators' decision to be a moderate caucus member. There is little evidence that more electorally vulnerable members join these caucuses; on the contrary, when it does matter, members from competitive districts appear to stay away from moderate coalitions. Therefore, the findings call into question the prevailing ‘constituency-based’ understanding of moderate coalition membership in a polarised Congress and call for a new examination of electoral connection between moderate members and moderate caucuses.     

Extremity in Congress: Communications versus Votes

I propose a theory of legislator‐to‐constituent communication that describes a relationship between the types of votes a legislator reveals and the partisan composition of her constituency. To test this theory, I use an original data set of 40,000 official communications containing 30,000 vote revelations from the 111th Congress. I find evidence substantiating this theory; the extent to which a legislator endeavors to appear more ideologically extreme in communications varies systematically with the relative amounts of different types of voters in her district. This result is contrasted with an analysis of voting extremism where I find that the ideological preferences of donors better explain voting patterns.     

论党性原则与党员行为规范

强化共产党员的行为规范是加强党的执政能力建设的一个重要内容,是执政之固、保持党员先进性和党肌体惩腐自净的需要。强化共产党员行为规范,坚持党性原则是关键,党性原则要求共产党员时刻加强马克思主义理论修养;时刻坚持党内民主集中制原则;时刻牢记全心全意为人民服务的宗旨并身体力行之;时刻模范遵守党的纪律;时刻坚定中国工人阶级先锋队战士的政治立场。     

第三人欺诈与第三人胁迫

传统民法对第三人欺诈与第三人胁迫采取区分式的立法模式。在第三人欺诈情形,排除意思表示人针对善意相对人撤销其意思表示的权利;在第三人胁迫情形,则赋予意思表示人以无限制的撤销其意思表示的权利。区分模式忽视对交易安全的保障,造成法律制度内部的冲突。对第三人欺诈与第三人胁迫设立统一规则的模式具有诸多优点,在最近的民法理论中得到越来越多的支持。在未来中国民法典的编纂中,应对第三人欺诈与第三人胁迫采纳统一的规则模式,承认在无信赖利益保护需求时,被欺诈人与被胁迫人享有撤销权。     

增值税法中的第三人考量

增值税是对合同的课税.在涉及第三人的合同时,增值税缴纳义务的归属一直是增值税法上的难题.增值税义务归属的一般判断规则采取"给付--对价--直接性连结"的分析模式.在分析涉及第三人合同的增值税义务归属时,应恪守增值税法的一般归属规则,既尊重合同法,又要防止在纷繁的多方合同世界迷失.     

论仲裁程序中的第三人

随着商事交往的发展,仲裁第三人问题逐渐为人们所关注,并成为仲裁法研究中的一个热点。仿照诉讼第三人制度建立仲裁第三人制度的理论存在种种缺陷,应当从实体角度定义仲裁第三人,并从程序和实体两方面界定仲裁第三人的范围。     

Party Cohesion in the Danish Parliament

This article formulates a comprehensive and systematic taxonomy of micro level explanations of party cohesion; party cohesion being understood as party group members acting in unity externally. This apparatus is used in an analysis of party cohesion in the final divisions in the Danish Parliament, where cohesion figures are among the highest in the liberal democratic world. The investigation is based on interviews, survey data and data on voting behaviour. The main explanations of the high level of cohesion are the absence of disagreement in the party groups and a moral commitment to the party. Variation among MPs, parties and topics is also documented and discussed. The cohesion of each party and the compliant behaviour of individual MPs are related to the importance MPs ascribe to representing their party. Furthermore, divisions on moral issues, EU integration and local matters show lower than normal degrees of cohesion.