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《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):310-346
How have fluctuating approaches to federalism in post-Soviet Russia affected its legal system? This article examines the core legal subjects, processes, and institutions composing the Russian legal system. The source of legal changes, as Russian federalism has shifted from decentralized beginnings under Yel'tsin to the current centralized system under Medvedev and Putin, is evaluated. Seeds for centralization in the original 1993 Constitution and the roles of "top down," "bottom up," and "outside in" pressures to centralize the federal system are examined. The degree of unification and centralization of Russian law and the de facto nature of the legal system are analyzed. 相似文献
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《后苏联事务》2013,29(3):199-230
As Putin's second term ends, the tone of Western opinion toward the president has turned increasingly rancorous. Those who feel embittered by the emergence of semi-authoritarianism and crony capitalism out of the communist collapse might consider blaming the theory as well as the man. This article characterizes the post-communist Russian state and Putin's legacy as state builder. Drawing on the Russian studies literature, the article looks at the underlying mechanisms that have long shaped state—society relations in Russia. Using the concept of power resources as an analytical tool, the article attempts to illuminate these mechanisms and, in so doing, examines what is new and what is familiar in the post-communist Russian state. 相似文献
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《后苏联事务》2013,29(2):166-188
An expert on international relations analyzes current trends in Russian foreign policy drawing on materials from the press and other media as well as current scholarly analysis. Contemporary policies are analyzed to address the question of what policies Moscow is likely to pursue in order to reestablish Russia's great-power status. 相似文献
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Anita Breuer 《拉美政治与社会》2008,50(4):59-89
Government‐initiated referendums (GIRs) have so far been neglected by the debate on the effects of institutions on policymaking in presidential systems. The literature on Latin American politics has focused on isolated cases of GIRs, which are largely interpreted as epiphenomenal to a regional trend toward personalistic neopopulism. This article provides a conceptual framework for the systematic comparative study of GIRs. It argues that presidents' propensity to promote legal changes through referendums and their concomitant capacity to dominate policymaking are subject to the interaction of two institutional variables (constitutional rules regulating the competences of elected officials in GIR processes and minimum turnout requirements) and two political variables (preference distribution in the legislature and the position of the median voter). These propositions are tested through a comparative analysis of referendum experiences in Colombia and Bolivia, two cases with similar political settings and significant variation in each of the institutional variables. 相似文献
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Roy C. Nelson 《拉美政治与社会》2007,49(2):149-181
Once prey to government patrimonial practices, the Corporación de Fomento de la Producción (CORFO), Chile's economic development agency, overcame this problem in the early 1990s. In 2000 CORFO established a High Technology Investment Promotion Program to promote foreign direct investment in high technology and other nontraditional sectors. This article applies concepts of political survival and cooperation to explain how CORFO moved from patrimonialism to technocratic independence. Then it demonstrates that governments possessing technocratic independence but lacking other characteristics typically associated with successful investment promotion efforts can develop transnational strategic networks of individuals, business associations, and universities to facilitate their learning process in order to devise more effective strategies to promote nontraditional FDI. 相似文献
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Roman Szporluk 《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):366-374
Before the names of Just and Unjust can have place there must be some coercive force to compel men equally to abide by their covenants by the terrour of a punishment greater than the benefit they expect by the breach of their covenant… So that the nature of Justice consisteth not in keeping of valid covenants: but the Validity of Covenants begins not but with the Constitution of a Civill power sufficient to compel men to keep them. Thomas Hobbes, 1651 相似文献
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在外交及安全政策领域,美国国会是一个重要的决策主体.冷战结束后,国会在这一领域的作用进一步提升.本文从领导能力与领导作用、利益集团、舆论、党派政治和机构五个方面分析了影响国会决策的关键因素,并重点探讨冷战结束以后这些方面出现的新特点,以求对美国的外交及安全政策进行更全面、更深入的透视. 相似文献
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美国国会图书馆第一次系统的俄罗斯馆藏开始于1906年的尤金馆藏.此后,通过各种渠道定期地收购俄罗斯或与俄罗斯相关的资料.国会图书馆秉承全面、普遍的馆藏原则,受政治变化影响较小.俄罗斯馆藏的丰富与发展,也与20世纪直到今天的历任馆长的推动密切相关.随着数字时代的到来,俄罗斯馆藏的形式和内容也日益丰富和多样.展望未来,国会图书馆将继续充满兴致地收藏来自俄罗斯和与俄罗斯相关的资料. 相似文献
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Mr. Mason, who is Director of the Institute of Race Relations,London, gave the address that follows at a joint meeting ofthe Royal African Society and Royal Commonwealth Society onOctober 5, 1961. Sir Gilbert Rennie G.B.E, K.C.M.G., M.C., formerHigh Commissioner for the Federation in London, took the chair. 相似文献
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Alexandre Queiroz Guimarães 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(4):527-542
From 1930 to 1960, Brazil adopted a pattern of economic policy marked by strong state intervention, high levels of protectionism, disregard of exports and a permissive treatment of inflation. These policies distorted the model of industrialisation and had a negative impact on the prospects for economic development. This article employs a historical institutionalist approach to investigate how the international context, the ideology of the policymakers, the role of the technocrats and the pressures of various social groups, especially the industrialists, influenced decisions on economic policy, contributing to the consolidation of the pattern described above. 相似文献
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