Cooperative Hegemony and Summitry in the Americas

As an instrument for governance, summitry is a novel structure for the management of contemporary hemispheric regionalism in the Americas. Such regionalism is a clear case of the "structuralist paradox" of international cooperation. This article attempts to explain the particular asymmetric regionalism in the Americas by using the concept of cooperative hegemony. The underlying hypothesis is that the U.S. government, since 1994, has pursued a strategy of cooperative behavior, at least in regard to power sharing, in two specific phases of hemispheric regionalism: agenda setting and institutionalization. This study tests the hypothesis through a content analysis of the main documents produced at the Miami, Santiago, and Quebec summits, then relates these findings to the progress of institutionalization from 1994 to 2003.     

美国霸权的逻辑

以个人自由权利为核心的意识形态 ,是美国霸权主义的主要思想基础。国内民主是这套简单划一的价值观的制度基础。社会多元化带来的民主外延的扩大 ,扩大了美国价值观的社会适应性 ,在思想上形成了一种“多数人的专制”。它逐渐超越了白人种族主义和基督新教的“天命观” ,在对外事务中演化成特殊形态的美国民族主义 ,造成了霸权思想的膨胀。美国人在追求民族私利的时候很少有道德顾忌 ,充满自以为是的领袖欲望。同时 ,在美国的权力制衡、决策机制、社会结构和文化传统中 ,仍然存在着某些自我约束、自我反省的因素。     

国际机制与美国霸权

本文旨在从国际机制的角度解读第二次世界大战以来的美国霸权.笔者首先总结了国际机制理论各主要流派对国际机制与霸权关系的认识;其次,提出机制霸权的概念,从历史角度全面剖析美国霸权与国际机制的关系,并以之验证国际机制理论对二者关系的分析;最后,对美国的跨世纪霸权战略的内容、实质进行分析并展望.     

美国霸权失能与世界多极化趋势初现

二战后美国凭借独一无二的经济实力和海军实力特别是核力量取代英国而成为世界霸主。然而 ,到了 2 0世纪 6 0年代末 70年代初 ,美国的霸权开始失能 ,其主要标志就是中国恢复联合国的合法席位。这一进程的深层次历史背景就是多极化趋势开始显现。决定这一大趋势的因素主要有两个 :一是民族解放运动的兴起 ;二是世界逐渐形成多个力量中心。在 2 1世纪 ,当初导致美国霸权失能的基本因素仍然在发挥作用。所以 ,世界多极化趋势虽然遇到美国霸权战略的挑战 ,但仍在曲折中发展。     

美元霸权重振战略述评

美元霸权重振战略是美国在布雷顿森林体系崩溃后,为维护美元霸权地位而采取的战略调整.该战略将美元霸权重振与经济重振统一,标本兼治,总体上取得了成效.可是战略因素对美元霸权地位的影响毕竟有限,只能延缓而不能改变美元霸权衰落的命运.     

知识霸权与美国的世界新秩序

信息革命的迅猛发展 ,正在拉大民族国家间的数字鸿沟 ,制造人类社会知识发展和知识分布的不平衡 ,产生知识霸权效应 ,并对国际关系产生强大影响。美国凭借信息革命的领导地位 ,以高科技知识为武器 ,对 2 1世纪的国际关系进行整合 ,大力构筑以美国世界霸权为主要目标、以维护西方发达国家利益为基本内容的国际新秩序。     

Hegemony and the politics of culture and identity in Thailand

Abstract

This article argues that the establishment of the Ministry of Culture in Thailand needs to be understood in a broadly historical perspective that relates to the role of culture in hegemonic strategies of the state. It presents an overview of broadly defined culture policy in Thailand from the 1930s before moving to a more detailed discussion of the period from the 1980s to the present. The principle contention, developed in the second half of the article, is that the current policies of Thailand's Ministry of Culture, and its role in hegemonic identity production, can only be understood by taking account of the variety of factors that shaped the Ministry's emergence. These factors include the influence of international development agencies, strategies of appropriation by the Thai state, and the role of progressive forces within Thailand that seek political and cultural reform. The circumstances under which the Ministry was formed have made it a site of contestation between conservative royalist-nationalist perspectives on Thai national identity and progressive localist and international understandings of Thai national identity.     

美国霸权的终结--兼评伊拉克战争对未来国际政治的影响

美国谋求单极世界霸权的企图已是一个不争的事实.它现在不仅拥有了实现这一野心的硬实力,而且似乎也具备了相应的软实力.但如果据此认为美国真的能实现它的这一梦想那又未免过于主观.本文将重点探讨有哪些现实因素将阻碍美国实现其单极霸权,以及为什么说美国的这一野心注定会失败.     

Introduction: Nationalism,the Left and Hegemony in Latin America

This article contributes to debates about fascist influences among Argentina’s guerrilla groups of the 1970s. From the overall perspective of developments in Argentine nationalism, it traces back the history of the far‐right Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista and Tacuara and assesses their significance as the nuclei from which later guerrillas came. Based on police reports and periodical publications from the period in question (c.1937–c.1973), it makes some generalisations about the collective biographies of militants. While not contradicting the widely held view that originally fascist groupings played a role in the emergence of Argentine guerrillas, the article introduces some nuances into this argument. Particular emphasis is given to the role of Peronism and the Cuban Revolution as facilitators of changes in Argentine nationalism.     

今日俄罗斯哲学与俄罗斯的社会变革

热爱哲学思维是俄罗斯民族的特点之一,俄罗斯哲学也有着辉煌的历史。但是,20世纪90年代以来,急剧的社会变革使俄罗斯哲学处于十分尴尬的境地,当前俄罗斯哲学正处于适应这种变革的全面转型过程。     

俄罗斯经济的转折点与“俄罗斯病”

俄罗斯经济一度在油价的暴涨中实现了高增长,但在2008年油价暴跌之后,俄面临着经济增长的转折点.虽说俄罗斯的经济转型伴随着一系列的市场经济结构改革,但还是对于油价变动反应过度.俄受油价变动摆布的资源依赖型经济可统称为“俄罗斯病”.这其实是一种“石油诅咒”综合症,但它不同于“荷兰病”.虽然俄罗斯历经石油价格高涨→实际汇率升值→进口扩大的发展路径,却没有出现GDP增长递减和制造业增长低迷的现象.因为俄国内市场大于荷兰,而且制造业发展缓慢.我们不能期待出现治愈“俄罗斯病”的特效药和特需,而有效利用资源利益来推动其经济发展是俄罗斯的现实选择.俄罗斯以“推翻世界史”的速度实现了开放的市场经济,但是,在重构文化背景和制造业基础之后再来发展经济恐怕还需时日.     

Russian Federalism in Comparative Perspective

A specialist on the comparative analysis of states and polities provides a framework for investigating the extent to which federal states are democratic in their operations. The article outlines propositions derived from data on eleven continuously democratic federal systems in the world during the 1990s. Russia is then compared systematically with these systems with respect to the federal legacies of pre-Soviet and Soviet power, the distinctiveness and democratic viability of its current “asymmetrical federalism,” and the roles of presidential, legislative, and party-system power. Aggregate data and a case study are presented that bear on the difference between levels of democracy in republics as opposed to oblasts. The dynamics of central “power creation” since August 1998 are explored.     

俄罗斯历史中的东西方之惑

俄罗斯千余年的历史可以概括为三段西学史。而其每次西学都大体经历学习模仿—民族自觉—超越—对立的过程。在这个过程中,俄罗斯的民族自觉意识不断要求历史哲学对俄罗斯与西方历史形成的亲缘关系作出反思,要求在相似之中明确差异,以确立俄罗斯文化的独特性。研究俄罗斯西学的过程,剖析俄罗斯东西方问题的实质,不仅有助于准确地把握俄罗斯历史发展的轨迹,而且有助于对俄罗斯的发展前景作出展望。     

Works on Islam in Russian

Islam v politichyeskoy dzhizni stran Sovryemyennogo Blidzhnyego i Sryednyego Vostoka, Islam in the Political Life of the Countries of the Contemporary Near and Middle East (Erevan: Academy of Sciences of Soviet Armenia, 1986; 230 pp.)

N. Oganyesyan's ‘Islamic Activism’ (pp.7–47)

Ye. A. Abgaryan's ‘The Religious and Political Organization of the Muslim Brethren in Egypt’ (pp.48–133)

P.A. Saradzhyan's ‘Activity of the Muslim Brethren in Syria, 1979–82’ (pp. 134–76)

R.P. Kondakchyan's ‘The Strengthening of the Islamic Factor and the Policy of the Military Authorities in Turkey in Religious Affairs After the 1980 Coup d'Etat’ (pp.177–209)

G.M. Yeganyan's ‘Mutual Relations Between Shah and Clergy, 1950–1960’ (pp.210–28).

Yu.M. Kobishchanov's Istoriya rasprostranyeniya Islama v Afrikye, The Spread of Islam in Africa (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1987; 220 pp.)

N.I. Voronchanina's Islam v obshchyestvyenno‐politichyeskoy dzhizni Tunisa, Islam in the Socio‐Political Life of Tunisia (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1986; 192 pp.).

L.V. Val'kova, is entitled Saudovskaya Araviya: nyeft’, islam, politika, Saudi Arabia: Oil, Islam, Politics (Moscow, Nauka Press, 1987; 256 pp.).

S.A. Kirillina's Islam v obshchyestvyennoy dzhizni Yegipta (vtoraya polovina XIX‐nachalo XX v.), Islam in Egypt's Social Life, Second Half of the 19th Century to the Beginning of the 20^th (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1989; 204 pp.).

A.V. Kudryavtsyev's Islamskiy mir i Palyestinskaya problyema, The Islamic World and the Palestinian Problem (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1990; 134 pp.)

V.N. Spol'nikov's Afganistan: Islamskaya oppozitsiya. Istoki i tsyeli, Afghanistan's Islamic Opposition: Sources and Objectives (Moscow: Nauka Press, 1990; 189 pp.)