Liberalism and religion: the plural grounds of separation

ABSTRACT

In what sense, and to what extent, should a liberal state be secular? Many interpret liberal-egalitarian political theory as dictating a radical separation between church and state. Against this view, Cécile Laborde has powerfully argued that, in fact, liberal-egalitarianism is not committed to strict separation as such. Laborde understands the liberal-egalitarian commitment to separation as ultimately grounded on a principle of neutrality. However, she argues that the conception of neutrality to which liberal egalitarians are committed is much more ‘restricted’ than it is often thought. If a commitment to separation is derivative from a commitment to neutrality, then, if neutrality is restricted, secularism is minimal. This means that not all forms of religious establishment should be regarded as impermissible from a liberal-egalitarian perspective. Contra Laborde, I argue that restricted neutrality should not be understood as the only ground of separation. Separation has plural grounds. Forms of religious recognition that do not violate any of the requirements of restricted neutrality may still be regarded as impermissible from a liberal-egalitarian perspective, if they (1) violate a basic commitment to fairness, (2) treat citizens in a patronizing way and/or (3) violate, in their justification, a requirement of sincerity, as grounded on reciprocity.     

Laborde,liberalism, and religion

ABSTRACT

In this introduction, we provide a brief overview of the debate on religion in political philosophy. We present the main arguments defended by Cécile Laborde in Liberalism’s Religion and explain how these arguments contribute to the debate.     

The cult of the victim: an analysis of the collective identity of the English Defence League

Since its creation in 2009 the English Defence League has become the largest street-based social movement in contemporary Britain. Its demonstrations have led to violence and community tensions in town and city centres throughout the country. While these street demonstrations have attracted some attention in academia, as of yet there has been no attempt to analyse the statements of the EDL as an organization. Oaten analyses the EDL's outgoing communicative transmissions and argues that the EDL as a movement is based on a sense of collective victimhood. By drawing on conceptions of collective victimhood from post-conflict studies, he suggests that only by understanding the EDL's collective victimhood can we understand its anti-Muslim and anti-establishment stance. His article stresses that collective victimhood is a zero sum identity, and highlights the fact that, as such, the EDL and its members continuously seek to portray themselves as the ‘true’ victims of abuse by government and British Muslims. Oaten concludes, in light of EDL leader Tommy Robinson's departure, by looking at the potential future trajectories of the EDL. He argues that, despite the fact that Robinson was central to the movement's collective victimhood frame of reference, the EDL continues to utilize the collective victimhood narrative in order to explain Robinson's departure. This suggests that collective victimhood had become a powerful category of self-identification for the movement, and that the movement can continue without Robinson.     

马克思宗教观的历史唯物主义性质思考

马克思主义宗教观诞生的根本标志,就应该是对于无产阶级作为世界历史的主导力量的确认;而对无产阶级历史地位的深化也是推动历史唯物主义宗教观发展的内在原因。马克思政治经济学批判以哲学批判所揭示的无产阶级历史地位为逻辑起点,是对成熟的资产阶级意识形态的批判,是哲学批判的发展完善。批判政治经济学,就是批判资产阶级意识形态的现代宗教的本质,只有在理解了宗教和资本合流的历史前提下,才能理解马克思的唯物史观,为什么把反对宗教看做反对资本统治必须完成的一个任务来对待。试图立足于马克思关于无产阶级的世界历史使命的辩证统一性来讨论马克思宗教观的唯物史性质及其发展过程。     

Identity theft and the care of the virtual self

Abstract

This paper analyses how major institutions are publicly responding to the crime of identity theft. It concentrates on how individuals are encouraged to responsibilize themselves against this potentiality, and what they should do in the event they are victimized. These two distinct discourses (prevention and victimization) aim to fashion a hyper-vigilant citizen whose daily routines, home environment, consumption patterns and sense of self are being brought into accord with wider power dynamics. These measures can be understood as encouraging a care of the virtual self – a wider social project characteristic of an informational age that encourages individuals to reduce the risks and maximize the potentialities related to their data double. In the context of identity theft, however, institutionally promoted methods for the care for the virtual self transcend what is reasonably practicable for most citizens and mask the role played by major institutions in fostering the preconditions for identity theft.     

西方自我同一性理论发展简述

自埃里克森首次提出自我同一性这一概念后,西方心理学学者对这一概念的研究在跨越半个多世纪后呈现多理论多方向的局面,后人逐渐丰富发展了自我同一性的概念。从Marcia的自我同一性状态模型到最新的Luyckx等人提出的双环模型,意对自我同一性概念的发展进行描述,并在此基础上提出发展的新展望。     

Selling the self: career portfolios and the new common-sense of immaterial capitalism

This article presents a discourse analysis of a popular guide to composing career portfolios. Comprised of documents from work, school, and personal life, career portfolios chart workers’ personal trajectories from past to present to future. Job applicants use these texts to sell themselves to potential employers. In explaining how to compose portfolios, it is argued, the guide examined in this article (re)produces and circulates common-sense ideas about work in our current era. Central to these common-sense notions are: personal investment in work; deterritorialization of socio-cultural resources (e.g. ways of thinking, speaking, and interacting developed in non-work domains); and reterritorialization of these same resources in the domain of work. To explore these common-sense ideas, I engage Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's arguments about immaterial capitalism and the deterritorialization and reterritorialization of labor.