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1.
沈旭晖 《南风窗》2010,(18):82-83
基于巴基斯坦西北部落酋长区自成一体和本土塔利班-军情体系联盟的背景,美国不可能幻想通过巴基斯坦政府打赢反恐战争,它期望的只是直接控制巴国西北边境而已。  相似文献   

2.
一、奥巴马:“华盛顿的政治现状必须要改变”。奥巴马的出现是美国应对国内外重大危机与挑战的标志性事件。其竞选与就任之际,这个国家正期盼改变、渴望新面孔、寻找新的方向。2008年的美国大选,并不是一次“活动”,实质上是一场“拯救美国”和“变革美国”的“运动”。  相似文献   

3.
发展重新回到美国安全领域,成为奥巴马政府界定反恐政策目标的意识形态基础和应对恐怖主义的工具。究其原因,既与美国当前面临的反恐压力和改善外交形象的需要有关,也与上个世纪美国推行的现代化政策有渊源关系。以发展来应对恐怖主义,美国政府需要处理好援助与干涉、民主与发展、长期投入与短期收益三大矛盾。目前来说,奥巴马政府面临很大挑战。  相似文献   

4.
2013年2月,据《纽约时报》报道,,随着美国网络武器的不断发展,美对此进行了一项“秘密法律评估”,结论认为,若发现可靠证据,表明外国将对美发动重大数字攻击,总统将有权下令发动“先发制人”网络打击。这是美制定“网络战”规则的又一努力,对网络安全及国际规则制定有重要影响。  相似文献   

5.
奥巴马政府国家安全战略的新调整   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
黄海 《当代世界》2009,(9):36-38
冷战后美国国家安全战略经历了三次大的转型,从老布什政府的“世界新秩序”构想,到克林顿政府的“塑造一反应一准备”战略构想,再到布什政府的“先发制人”战略。当前,巨大的战争资源消耗、国际形象的急剧恶化和国际金融危机冲击下的力不从心,使得美国亟须调整国家安全战略。美国新任总统奥巴马上台后,  相似文献   

6.
餐桌上,除了“胡”系列果蔬,我们还有“番”系列的,比如番茄、番薯(红薯)、番椒(海椒、辣椒)、番石榴、番木瓜:还有“洋”系列的,洋葱、洋姜、洋芋(土豆)、洋白菜(卷心菜)等等。  相似文献   

7.
姜宏毅 《国际展望》2023,(2):102-115+161
巴基斯坦“新民族”的形成与阿富汗难民问题息息相关。随着阿富汗政局逐渐平稳,陆续有难民回归,但是仍有大量人员不愿意离开巴基斯坦。其主要是因为阿富汗的条件无法完全保证和平生活,以及缺乏经济机会。阿富汗难民在巴基斯坦生活了二十多年,新一代的阿富汗人在一个全新的环境中长大,特别是在巴基斯坦出生和长大的孩子,他们认为自己更多的是巴基斯坦社会的一部分。巴基斯坦“新民族”逐渐形成。“新民族”的诞生也引发了其他许多社会问题,尤其是难民们对阿巴两国的国家以及民族身份认同等问题。跨界民族的身份认同问题十分敏感,极易引发跨国安全问题,是对中南亚地区安全的极大隐患,其唯一可行的解决之道,只能是国际社会各方共同努力,减少难民数量,帮助阿富汗尽快实现战后重建工作,维护好良性的国内生存环境,以此来实现难民的遣返,进而在最大程度上实现中南亚地区的和平与稳定。  相似文献   

8.
刘洪波 《法制博览》2010,(12):69-69
湖南嘉禾县250名儿童血铅超标,部分家长想去外地体检被当地公安拦截,引发堵路后有村民被拘捕,县政府称这“实现了打击少数人、教育一大片的目的”。血铅超标的事情多有,解决起来很困难,这是规律,受损害的人不经过长期的、艰苦的努力,没有使损害停止下来的希望。但像嘉禾这样,外出体检都要被拦截,这还没听说过。  相似文献   

9.
晓凡 《当代世界》2009,(4):23-24
近期,以“法塔赫”和“哈马斯”为首的巴勒斯坦各派别和解步伐加快,奥巴马新政府高调支持巴以“两国方案”并频出新举措,温和阿拉伯国家也为之积极奔走、摇旗呐喊,不免使人觉得和平可期。但与此同时,内塔尼亚胡谋求组建“大联合政府”的组阁过程拖沓、曲折,巴以围绕以被俘士兵的换囚谈判一波三折,双方低烈度冲突和恶性攻击屡有发生,又令人感到巴以现状依旧是“山重水复”。在美国主导的中东“大棋局”中,  相似文献   

10.
英国政府在2016年“脱欧”公投后提出了“全球英国”理念,作为“后脱欧时代”外交战略的指导思想,以应对变化中的国际环境和自身国际角色的转变。基于“全球英国”理念,英国将自身定位为“全球大国”,希望借助综合实力以及与美国和英联邦国家等传统盟友的关系继续在世界舞台上发挥重要作用;推出“向印太倾斜”战略,以期拓展盟友圈并扩大对外影响。与此同时,英国外交政策中以意识形态划线的趋向更加明显。“全球英国”战略因其自身固有的缺陷以及国内政治中的制约因素,在实践中面临着诸多障碍。苏纳克上台后对“全球英国”战略进行了一些调整,但其外交政策没有也不会发生实质性改变。  相似文献   

11.
作为世界最大的自由贸易安排,RCEP所取得的突破不仅有利于改善区域贸易与投资环境、增强区域供应链、推动经济复苏,还为区域经济一体化、全球贸易自由化、基于规则的多边贸易体制注入了前行的动力。同时,它对中国贸易和投资的可持续发展、高水平制度型开放、实施自由贸易区提升战略、构建国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局也可以发挥积极作用。RCEP以市场准入、规则、合作为支柱,具有开放包容、全面、高质量、互惠等诸多特点,并突出东盟方式与东盟中心地位。RCEP的后续生效实施与适时升级,将面临成员差异性与利益诉求复杂性、外部因素牵制、既有FTA规则的多样性与整合的难度、区域身份认同与大国协调等现实问题的挑战,仍需要以渐进灵活的方式,不断推动其深化和拓展。中国应一如既往支持东盟的主导地位,推动RCEP尽快生效。既要助力东盟提升凝聚力、加强大国协调,也要加速推进中日韩FTA谈判、加快与东盟成员的FTA构建。应不断提高规则利用率,充分发挥FTA本应具有的效应,以制度型开放营造良好营商环境,持续推动区域制度性经济一体化。  相似文献   

12.
Public Administration research in Denmark has a relatively short history. It was first initiated in the 1970s and was developed from public law. However, from an initial homogeneity it has become increasingly pluralistic in its approach due to three factors: a strong orientation towards the study of institutional reform in the public sector, inspiration from the international literature and the specific institutional set up of the academic community that divides it into separate schools. It is possible to distinguish three trends in today's Danish Public Administration research. These trends are inspired by historical institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism and sociological institutionalism, respectively. What is needed in the future is an increased dialogue between these trends. The purpose of the dialogue should not be to reach for a new homogeneity but to increase the critical debate among different schools in order to increase the general quality of public administration research in Denmark.  相似文献   

13.
14.
美国的东亚安全战略及其挑战   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
冷战结束后,东亚地区在美国对外安全战略中处于越来越重要的地位.近年来,凭借超级大国的地位及在军事、政治和经济方面的绝对优势,美国不断调整其东亚安全战略,力图主导地区安全事务,在东亚扮演霸权国家的角色,为实现"美国治下的和平"服务.  相似文献   

15.
America is more a creed than a nation. Our promise has always been that all individuals, despite race, religion or gender, have the equal chance to make it. The election of Barack Hussein Obama as president of the United States is thus a “soft power” coup for America's global image, which had lost its luster during the Bush years. Obama is the anti‐Bush who will lead by the power of example instead of the example of power. Yet, there are real limits. Can the power of example stop the North Korean or Iranian nuclear programs? Can it stop jihadists bent on establishing a new Caliphate across South Asia? Can it limit China's ambitions as the new power in Asia? In this section commentators from across the world offer their views.  相似文献   

16.
The twin processes of Europeanization and Transition provide significant opportunities for the development of Public Administration education in Europe and provide a possibility to further the 'emancipation' of the discipline. In terms of Europeanization, the increasing challenges of politico-administrative interaction between national administrations and the institutions of the European Union illustrate that it is essential for Public Administration graduates to acquire an informed understanding of both the European context of policy-making and of the administrative organization and culture of other member states and countries associated with the EU. As a second element, the transition process in Central and Eastern European states could provide the discipline with further impetus to search for its own identity and approach in a European context. This article reviews the key findings of the results of the comprehensive inventories undertaken by the SOCRATES Thematic Network in Public Administration with regard to the current direction in which Public Administration education in Europe is moving. It addresses whether attention to European issues is reflected in the curriculum as well as links with the profession and whether cross-fertilization between the development of new programmes in the transition states and PA academic programmes in the EU member states has actually occurred.  相似文献   

17.
18.
America is more a creed than a nation. Our promise has always been that all individuals, despite race, religion or gender, have the equal chance to make it. The election of Barack Hussein Obama as president of the United States is thus a “soft power” coup for America's global image, which had lost its luster during the Bush years. Obama is the anti‐Bush who will lead by the power of example instead of the example of power. Yet, there are real limits. Can the power of example stop the North Korean or Iranian nuclear programs? Can it stop jihadists bent on establishing a new Caliphate across South Asia? Can it limit China's ambitions as the new power in Asia? In this section commentators from across the world offer their views.  相似文献   

19.
20.
The ‘neoconservative moment’ is widely assumed to have come and gone with the George W. Bush administration. This article argues, however, that the hope that the neoconservative chapter in US foreign policy will be definitively closed under Barack Obama's administration is unlikely to be realized in practice, owing to the continuing influence that neoconservatives are able to exercise over national debates regarding the ‘moral’ use of US power in order to shape the international environment. While the moral agenda of the ‘neocons’ is often misconceived as simply a mask for the naked pursuit of the United States' material and strategic interests, this article demonstrates that this misrepresents the rationale that underpins the neoconservative perspective. Exploring the re-articulation of morality in neoconservative thought reveals the nexus that both links the neoconservative domestic agenda for political change to its foreign policy goals and also provides a framework for understanding the ‘staying power’ that neoconservatism continues to exhibit. Although the Obama presidency is widely heralded as a repudiation of this agenda, the neoconservative conception of the United States as a moral power is deeply rooted in US foreign policy traditions and is domestically allied to traditional expressions of social conservatism, which enables neoconservative ideas to continue to resonate in US foreign policy debates.  相似文献   

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