Measuring parentage policy in the Canadian provinces: A comparative framework

This paper develops a framework to measure parentage policy based on the legal barriers faced by intended parents, taking into account eligibility requirements, rules for genetic relationships, and surrogacy contract enforceability. It then applies this framework to the Canadian provinces. While parentage policy in Canada is undoubtedly a patchwork, policy change has moved in an increasingly permissive direction, often as a result of litigation. Moreover, this study provides an opportunity to develop broader research project for comparative scholars of parentage policy. Future studies of parentage policy, building from the framework developed here, should qualitatively examine the role of policy implementers other than legislatures and determine how policy learning and transfer affect parentage policy change. Because parentage policy can provide legal certainty for parents and prevent legal disputes, understanding the factors behind policy change is an endeavour with both theoretical and practical significance.     

Evening the keel: Measuring and responding to precarity in the Canadian labour economy

This article argues that misalignment between the realities of work in the new economy and the regulations is having negative health and social implications at all levels of Canadian society. Remedying this requires drastic reshaping of policy approaches, but current laws and employment norms presume the labour market is a static entity. Policymakers should focus on improving how labour market data is collected for producing evidence‐based recommendations, and on re‐evaluating neoclassical economic assumptions underpinning this outdated framework. We argue the expansion of precarious work is reshaping the Canadian economy and society, and provide recommendations for data, policy and administration to address this trend.     

Use of social media in Canadian public administration: opportunities and barriers

Many government agencies in Canada are using social media to communicate with various audiences. Some research, however, shows that government uses social media to publish content available on its websites and does not engage in two‐way interactions. This article examines interaction on Twitter between Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) and Twitter users. It explores established government social media practices and under‐researched experiences and perspectives of government social media users. Although some of the findings are IRCC specific, users’ experiences and perspectives offer valuable insights for any government agency that uses social media.     

Transparency and accountability in infrastructure stimulus spending: A comparison of Canadian,Australian and U.S. programs

In response to the global financial crisis that began in late 2007, many countries took on significant levels of deficit financing in order to increase spending on public works and infrastructure. This rapid infusion of public funding has raised concerns about the accountability and transparency of stimulus measures, including how best to monitor and evaluate the allocation and impact of the funds and report back to citizens. While there is growing research on the macro‐economic impacts of stimulus spending, very little comparative work has been done on the approaches of different countries to the governance of infrastructure stimulus spending programs. This article focuses on the latter by identifying and explaining the different practices in Canada, Australia and the United States in order to highlight implications for future stimulus‐led investment.     

关于对社会收入分配不公问题的几点思考

收入分配差距拉大是改革的结果,是一种社会进步。但同时 ,不能忽视这一社会经济现象中存在的“不公”和“差距过大”的问题。对这一问题的解决 ,根本办法依然要靠发展和改革。     

Politics and provincial government spending in Canada

Abstract: Much has been written on the growth of government expenditures at the national level, focusing on economic variables. Few studies have focused on the growth of spending at the provincial level. Even fewer studies have sought to examine the role of politics in provincial government spending. This paper seeks to fill the gap. It examines the growth of government in Canadian provinces over the last quarter-century, 1960 through 1986, and the role of politics in that growth. Government spending in Canada has grown rapidly at the provincial level over the past quarter-century, more rapidly than at the federal level. The present study develops and tests an econometric model of provincial government expenditure that incorporates economic, social, and political factors. In particular, the influence of the political party in power on provincial government spending is examined. Surprisingly, in most Canadian provinces the political party in power is found to have no significant impact on the level or growth of provincial government spending over the last twenty-five years. Instead, the growth of provincial government spending has been stimulated by the growth of the private sector provincial GDP. The provincial governments have responded to changes in the state of provincial economy and to provincial unemployment by increasing their own level of expenditures. Sommaire: La croissance des dépenses gouvernementales à l'échelon national a fait l'objet de nombreuses analyses, centrées sur des variables économiques. Très peu d'études ont porté sur l'augmentation des dépenses provinciales et, encore moins, sur le rôle joué par la politique à cet égard. Le présent exposé a pour objet de combler cette lacune en examinant la croissance des gouvernements dans les provinces canadiennes au cours du dernier quart de siècle, soit de 1960 à 1986, ainsi que le rôle qu'a joué la politique dans cette croissance. Les dépenses gouvernementales au Canada ont augmenté pendant cette période plus rapidement au niveau des provinces qu'au fédéral. La présente étude élabore et teste un modèle économétrique des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux qui incorpore des facteurs économiques, sociaux et politiques. En particulier, on y examine l'influence du parti politique au pouvoir sur les dépenses du gouvernement au niveau provincial. Chose surprenante, dans la plupart des provinces, on constate que l'identité du parti politique au pouvoir n'a pas d'effet significatif sur le niveau ou sur la croissance des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux au cours de ce quart de siècle. C'est plutôt la croissance du produit intérieur brut du secteur privé provincial qui a stimulé l'augmentation des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux. Ces derniers ont réagi à l'évolution de l'économie provinciale ainsi qu'au chômage provincial en augmentant leur propre niveau de dépenses.     

The provincial role in the Canadian welfare state: the influence of provincial social policy initiatives on the design of the Canada Assistance Plan

Abstract. Provincial social welfare programs are often treated as provincial government responses to federal initiatives establishing shared-cost programs in the welfare field. In this paper, this traditional viewpoint is reversed, showing that the federal government's Canada Assistance Plan of 1966 was the result of provincial social welfare initiatives. Federal policy is shown to have been designed to accommodate as cost-sharable those programs in which provinces (particularly Alberta and Ontario) were already involved. The federal government had to make considerable additions to, and concessions concerning, the proposed program in order to retain provincial support for the new national welfare program.     

Local government in the Canadian provincial north

Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the difficulties inherent in the organization of local government in large and geographically remote areas and the responses to those problems over time in a comparative cross-provincial perspective. After defining the provincial north, the article traces the origin and early development of local government structures in the provincial north to indicate just how these structures differ from those in the southern regions of the provinces. The article then discusses the range and nature of the problems faced by northern communities. This is followed by an analysis of the desires of northern local governments and the manner in which they express them. The final section describes the nature of governmental responses to the demands expressed by local governments. Sommaire. Le but de cet article est d'enqêter sur les difficultés inhérentes à l'organisation du gouvernement local dans de grandes régions gégraphiquement isolées et le traitement de ces problèmes sur une période de temps et ce dans une perspective interprovincial comparative, Après avoir défini le nord provincial, l'auteur retrace l'origine et l'ébauche du développement des structures de gouvernement local dans le nord provincial pour montrer en quoi celles-ci diffèrent de celles des régions du sud des provinces. Il analyse ensuite les desiderata des gouvernements locaux du nord et leur façon de les exprimer. Il consacre le dernier chapitre à l'analyse de la nature des réactions gouvernementales aux exigences manifestées par les gouvernements locaux.     

Canadian diplomatic representation in the United States

Abstract. Describing Canadian diplomatic representation in the United States presents a difficult task. The Canadian Embassy in Washington is a large and complex organization, housing diverse departmental representatives from Ottawa who have varied interests and perform different functions. Over a dozen departments and agencies, in addition to the Department of External Affairs, are actively represented in the United States. The Canadian Embassy is therefore an ‘organizational umbrella’ under which all Canadian governmental activity in the United States is subsumed. The organizational difficulties of Canadian representation are further complicated by the Washington diplomatic environment, in which some 123 nations compete to further their interests. Canadian diplomatic representation in the United States, extremely important given the American impact on Canadian policies, has become even more so because of increasingly divergent Canadian and us policies. One of the fundamental questions now facing Canadians is how to manage and administer this extraordinarily complex relationship. This article examines how Canadian representation in the United States began, how Canadian officials in the United States are organized, and what their representational functions are. First a short history is given of the development of the Legation and the Embassy in Washington and an analysis of the ministers and ambassadors who have served as head of post. Then the organizational components of the Embassy are examined: the ambassador and deputy head of post; the Political and Economic Sections; the Office of Information and the Canadian Government Office of Tourism; the Canadian Defence Liaison Staff and the Supply and Services Division; and the Post Central Administration. Police Liaison Division, and the National Research Council. Their internal organization, the functions of the units, and their interrelationships with each other and Ottawa are investigated. A concluding section summarizes the problems still to be resolved. Sommaire. La représentation diplomatique canadienne aux Etats-Unis est une tâche difficile. L'ambassade canadienne à Washington est une vaste organisation complexe qui abrite des représentants de ministères ayant des intérês particuliers et remplissant des fonctions différentes. Il y a, en effet, plus de douze ministères et organismes, en plus du Ministère des Affaires extérieures, qui sont représentés aux Etats-Unis. L'ambassade canadienne est donc une organisation regroupant toute l'activité gouvernementale canadienne aux Etats-Unis. Les difficultés administratives de la représentation canadienne aux Etats-Unis sont encore compliquées par le milieu diplomatique de Washington où quelque 123 pays essaient de faire valoir leurs intérêts. Il n'en reste pas moins, quelles que soient les difficultés, que la représentation diplomatique canadienne est une tâche extrêmement importante étant donné l'impact des Etats-Unis sur les politiques canadiennes et elle a encore augmenté d'importance du fait de la divergence croissante des politiques canadiennes et américaines. L'un des problemes fondanientaux des politiques canadiennes est maintenant de savoir comment le Canada est organisé pour diriger et administrer ses relations extrêmement complexes avec les Etats-Unis. L'auteur de cet article examine l'un des aspects de cette question générale en considérant comment la représentation canadienne a commencé aux Etats-Unis, comment les representants canadiens y sont organisés et ce que leurs fonctions. Il presente d'abord un court historique du développement de la légation et de l'ambassade à Washington et les Ministres et les Ambassadeurs qui en ont eu la direction. Il analyse ensuite les différents services de l'ambassade: les fonctions de l'ambassadeur et de son second, les sections éconorniques et politiques, le service d'information et le bureau du tourisme du Gouvernement canadien, le personnel canadien de liaison pour la défense, le service d'intendance, l'administration centrale, le service de liaison policière et le Conseil national de recherche. Il examine dans chaque section l'organisation interne, les fonctions des différents éléments ainsi que les rapports qu'ils ont entre eux et avec Ottawa. Il expose en terminant les difficultés que présente la représentation diplomatique canadienne aux Etats-Unis.     

Membership in Canadian regulatory agencies

Abstract. The paper reports some of the results obtained from a questionnaire administered to 320 members of 70 federal and provincial regulatory agencies in Canada. The data contained in this paper encompasses three areas: fundamental socio-economic information about regulators; their perceptions of why they were selected for positions with the agency; and their ideological and political predilictions. The paper concludes, subject to the qualifications set forth in the paper, that Canadian regulators are of a fairly high quality but that they are not as judicial as they assume or as free from politics as might be presumed. Sommaire. L'auteur de cet exposé donne les résultats d'un questionnaire auquel ont répondu 320 membres de 70 organismes de regulation fédéraux et provinciaux au Canada. Les résultats de ce questionnaire se regroupent sous trois rubriques: données socio-économiques fondamentales sur les responsables de la réglementation; les opinions des régisseurs quant aux raisons pour lesquelles ce poste leur été confié; et leurs orientations idéologiques et politiques. L'auteur conclut que sous certaines réerves, les régisseurs au Canada sont d'un assez haut calibre, mais qu'ils ne sont ni aussi impartiaux qu'ils le croient, ni aussi indépendants de la politique qu'on pourrait le supposer.     

Federal-provincial relations in Canadian immigration

Abstract: This paper is a survey from Confederation to the present day of the legislative and working relationships between the various provinces and the federal government in the field of immigration - one of the rare areas of government in which concurrent responsibility is enshrined in the constitution. The paper argues that relations have passed through several periods from the early post-Confederation period, during which there was much cooperation marked by several multilateral federal-provincial immigration agreements, through long periods of little cooperation to the present day, which is one of complex interrelationships marked by a series of bilateral federal-provincial agreements and working relationships with the provinces and the territories. Sommaire: Cet article donne un aperçu, de la confédération à nos jours, des relations qu'ont entretenues sur Ies plans législatif et administratif, les diverses provinces et le gouvernement fédéral dans le domaine de l'immigration, un des rares secteurs oil une compétence législative conjointe est enchâssée dans la constitution. L'article fait ressortir que les relations ont connu plusieurs périodes: d'abord celle du début de la confédération, marquée par une très grande coopération et au cours de laquelle plusieurs accords d'immigration fédéraux-provinciaux multilatéraux ont été conclus; ensuite celle très longue où il n'y eut guère de coopération; enfin, la période actuelle, caractérisée par des relations complexes comme en font foi toute une série d'accords fédéraux-provinciaux bilatéraux et de mécanismes de fonctionne-ment avec les provinces et les territoires.     

Litigation in Canadian referendum politics

Abstract: During the last decade, various governments in Canada have organized referenda to define their options on issues of great popular controversy. The Canada‐wide referendum on the Charlottetown Constitutional Accord in 1992, the Quebec sovereignty referendum in 1995, and the British Columbia referendum on aboriginal treaty negotiations in 2002 are the most interesting and the most significant examples. The core issue in each case was determining the political direction a government or a jurisdiction should follow. In each of these instances, interested citizens representing a segment of public opinion sought court injunctions to stop the vote. The focus of this article is the use of the courts on the political process. In each of the three cases, the applications for injunction were denied and the referendum proceeded. Nevertheless, the legal proceedings highlighted the increasing impact of law in politics under the Charter, as well as the greater willingness of political actors to use litigation to achieve political goals. These trends point out lessons for democracy that public administrators ought not ignore. Sommaire: Au cows de la demière dénnie, divers governments au Canada ont organisé des référendums pour déterminer leurs options concemant des questions faisant l'objet de séneuses controversies. Le référendum Canadian de 1992 sur l Accord constitutional de Charlottetown, le référendum de 1995 sur la souverainets du Québec et le refbrendurn qui s'est tenu en 2002 en Colombie‐Britan‐nique sur les négociations des droits issus de traités des Autochtones sont les référendums les plus intéressants et les plus marquants. Dans chaque cas, le point essential consistait à determiner l'orientation politique que le gouvemement ou une juridiction devrait adopter. Dans chacun de ces examples, des citoyens concernés représentant un segment de l'opinion publique ont tenté d'empêcher la tenue du vote en solicitant des injunctions auprès des tribunaux. Le present article porte sur le recours à des moyens légaux pour influer sur le processus politique. Dans chacun des trois cas, les demandes d'injonctions ont été refusées et le réféerendum a eu lieu. Néanmoins, les actions en justice ont souligné l'impact grandissant du juridique dam le domaine des politiques, sous l'influence de la Charte, et une plus grande acceptance de la part des responsables politiques à recourir à des litiges pour atteindre des objectifs politiques. Ces tendances soulignent pour la démocratie des leçons que les administrateurs publics ne devraient pas ignorer.     

Representative bureaucracy: the Canadian perspective

Abstract. The representativeness of the Canadian federal public service is an important matter because of the relation of francophone representation to the central issue of national unity and because of recent demands for the increased representation of women and native people. The major arguments presented in this paper are: 1/that despite the logical and empirical deficiencies of the theory of representative bureacracy, official government policy on a representative public service is based on the central assumption of the theory, and 2/that government efforts to achieve a more representative public service serve significant symbolic and partisan political purposes. The first section of the paper reviews the arguments for and against representative bureaucracy and the Canadian literature on the subject. The second section describes government policy on a representative public service with particular reference to francophones, women and native people. The final section assesses the implications of representative bureaucracy for the Canadian political system and includes an examination of the relation between representative bureaucracy and administrative responsibility and between active and passive representativeness.     

政府与高校关系域中的权力分配模式及其对策分析——基于创新社会管理的视角

在社会转型大背景和社会管理新形势下,政府与高校作为创新社会管理过程中的利益交互方,亟需规范双方权力配置、厘清双方权力属性,发挥良性互动作用。在归纳与总结已有政府与高校关系研究的基础上,基于创新社会管理的视角,构建出交易型、制衡型和转化型三种政府与高校关系域中的权力分配模式,并提出形成双主体权力分配模式与发挥其作用的对策。