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1.
Following surges of spending and staff hiring to address the COVID-19 pandemic, the Trudeau government announced a strategic policy review in the 2022 Budget to secure savings of $6 billion. There has been little apparent progress by May 2023 and opaque communications. This is surprising because Canada was once considered an international exemplar for spending reviews, needs to learn from the pandemic experience, has a worrisome medium-to-long-term federal spending trajectory, and the governance and economic context has rapidly evolved. This article identifies different kinds of spending reviews and design considerations, reviews Canada's experience with reviews since the early 1980s, considers recent OECD experience and exemplars, and argues that its spending reviews have become increasingly selective and closed. We suggest the Canadian government should institutionalize annual spending reviews, which can be scaled up or down, and that this points to more fundamental issues for reform and building a new governance culture.  相似文献   

2.
The role of institutionalized philanthropy is a blind spot in Canadian scholarship on public management. This article identifies five ways in which private “family” foundations add value to public management: through their roles in grantmaking; advancing social innovation; field building; shaping ideas; and advocating for policy and social change. An assessment of how well Canada's largest family foundations—those holding more than $100 million in assets—perform on each of these indicates they are not realizing their potential and need to be more attentive to their claim to public legitimacy. Equally, governments need to be more creative in how they work with the philanthropic sector.  相似文献   

3.
Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This first suite of commentaries focuses on the executive branch, variously considering: the challenge for governments to balance demands for accountability and learning while rethinking policy mixes as social solidarity and expert knowledge increasingly get challenged; how the policy-advisory systems of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and United Kingdom were structured and performed in response to the COVID-19 crisis; whether there are better ways to suspend the accountability repertoires of Parliamentary systems than the multiparty agreement struck by the minority Liberal government with several opposition parties; comparing the Canadian government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Global Financial Crisis and how each has brought the challenge of inequality to the fore; and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated or disrupted digital government initiatives, reinforced traditional public administration values or more open government.  相似文献   

4.
Absenteeism has received increasing attention in public sectors across the world. In Canada's federal public service, absenteeism cost the government approximately $871 million in lost wages in 2013 alone (Barkel 2014a ). Current and previous Canadian governments have attempted to reform sick‐leave policy to reduce absenteeism, but simple solutions to a complex problem will likely result in negative and unforeseen consequences. This article conceptualizes absenteeism as a “wicked problem” to explore its complexity. Addressing absenteeism requires a deeper understanding of issues and factors by government representatives, unions, NGOs, and policy experts, which can lead to multifaceted solutions.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract: Much has been written on the growth of government expenditures at the national level, focusing on economic variables. Few studies have focused on the growth of spending at the provincial level. Even fewer studies have sought to examine the role of politics in provincial government spending. This paper seeks to fill the gap. It examines the growth of government in Canadian provinces over the last quarter-century, 1960 through 1986, and the role of politics in that growth. Government spending in Canada has grown rapidly at the provincial level over the past quarter-century, more rapidly than at the federal level. The present study develops and tests an econometric model of provincial government expenditure that incorporates economic, social, and political factors. In particular, the influence of the political party in power on provincial government spending is examined. Surprisingly, in most Canadian provinces the political party in power is found to have no significant impact on the level or growth of provincial government spending over the last twenty-five years. Instead, the growth of provincial government spending has been stimulated by the growth of the private sector provincial GDP. The provincial governments have responded to changes in the state of provincial economy and to provincial unemployment by increasing their own level of expenditures. Sommaire: La croissance des dépenses gouvernementales à l'échelon national a fait l'objet de nombreuses analyses, centrées sur des variables économiques. Très peu d'études ont porté sur l'augmentation des dépenses provinciales et, encore moins, sur le rôle joué par la politique à cet égard. Le présent exposé a pour objet de combler cette lacune en examinant la croissance des gouvernements dans les provinces canadiennes au cours du dernier quart de siècle, soit de 1960 à 1986, ainsi que le rôle qu'a joué la politique dans cette croissance. Les dépenses gouvernementales au Canada ont augmenté pendant cette période plus rapidement au niveau des provinces qu'au fédéral. La présente étude élabore et teste un modèle économétrique des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux qui incorpore des facteurs économiques, sociaux et politiques. En particulier, on y examine l'influence du parti politique au pouvoir sur les dépenses du gouvernement au niveau provincial. Chose surprenante, dans la plupart des provinces, on constate que l'identité du parti politique au pouvoir n'a pas d'effet significatif sur le niveau ou sur la croissance des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux au cours de ce quart de siècle. C'est plutôt la croissance du produit intérieur brut du secteur privé provincial qui a stimulé l'augmentation des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux. Ces derniers ont réagi à l'évolution de l'économie provinciale ainsi qu'au chômage provincial en augmentant leur propre niveau de dépenses.  相似文献   

6.
在现代社会保障制度下,提供低保是政府无条件的责任,而享受低保是受助者无义务的权利.权利义务对等或权利义务相结合的观点并不能为低保人员应该参加公益劳动之规定提供法理依据.地方政府在实施最低生活保障制度时不能走偏,应充分贯彻中央"应保尽保"的低保政策.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract: The developmental pattern that characterizes metropolitan areas in the United States often serves as a basis for evaluating the condition of Canadian cities and attributing a distinctive thrust to Canadian urban policy. To be meaningful, however, comparative evaluations have to take account of the way government activities have helped to shape U.S. metropolitan areas over an extended period of time. A criticism implicit in much US. urban analysis is that government activities have persistently contributed to large inequalities in the social and economic condition of metropolitan area municipalities. In Canada, by comparison, interjurisdictional equalization has played a larger role in federal-provincial relations than it has in federal-state relations in the United States. It also seems to have influenced the way provincial governments dealt with municipalities during the 1960s and 1970s. At the present time, however, provincial governments are allowing the governmental systems of metropolitan areas to become more fragmented. They are also under pressure to reduce or abandon their efforts to equalize services and property tax burdens among municipalities. How they respond to that pressure will help to determine how closely the development of Canada's metropolitan areas conforms to the pattern of urban development characteristic of the United States.  相似文献   

8.
滥觞于英国的社会效益债券整合了受益者、政府、投资者、非营利服务提供者、中介投资机构、评估建议人、独立评估人等参与方,用社会效益的评估体系让不同道德标准的人都能方便地通过资本市场风险自担、责任自负的规则,参与到社会服务领域的投资。债券结构的设计,在保留核心的财务激励机制基础上,采用股权投资结构重新架构,更易于明确投资风险,为资本市场所接受。  相似文献   

9.
Critical Infrastructure Protection seeks to enhance the physical and cyber‐security of key public and private assets and mitigate the effects of natural disasters, industrial accidents and terrorist attacks. In 2009, several Canadian governments published the National Strategy and Action Plan for Critical Infrastructure (NS&AP), a framework for governments and the owners and operators of critical infrastructure – largely in the private sector – to collaborate on the security and increased resiliency of Canada's critical assets. Drawing on the social science risk literature, audits, and a three‐year research and education project, this article argues that the strategy of relationship building, collaborative risk management and information sharing is under‐developed and limited by market competition, incompatible institutional cultures, and legal, logistical and political constraints. The NS&AP should better delineate risks and identify how governments can work with industry, and acknowledge the paradox between trust and transparency, the role of small‐ and medium‐sized enterprise, and how risk management processes can vary.  相似文献   

10.
This article examines the alignment of different governance arrangements and alternative accountability mechanisms in international development policy making in Canada and the European Union (EU), with a particular focus on relationships between governments and non‐governmental organizations. The Canadian case illustrates an entrepreneurial mode of governance that aligns with fiscal auditing and performance management mechanisms, while the networked governance model of the EU relies more heavily on accountability instruments of public reporting and deliberation. The article concludes that the European accountability regime likely provides policy makers with more opportunities for social policy learning but would be difficult to implement in Canada given the underlying action logic of the federal government.  相似文献   

11.
The Canadian public sector employs around one-fifth of Canadian workers; they are responsible for policy making, stewarding public funds, and serving the public. Canadian governments struggle with job satisfaction, engagement, retention, and turnover, all of which may be associated with public service motivation (PSM). We conducted a scoping review of Canadian PSM research to synthesize what is known about these associations in the Canadian context. We identified 24 published studies and four works in progress. These demonstrate that PSM exists among Canadian public servants from the early stages of their career until later stages, and that PSM bolsters attraction to public sector work among students. No studies measured PSM among Canadian public servants using a validated instrument. Further research about the contributions of PSM to the quality of Canadian public services and how employers can nurture PSM is recommended, particularly given recent changes in work environments.  相似文献   

12.
在国家和社会的二元结构中,大学自治权是免于政府、教会或其他任何社会法人机构控制和干预的权力。这种自治权是一种社会权力,是一种融合了公权力和私权利的私权力。将高校自治权作为一种私权力的构建,自然就使国家和政府退出对高校的过分干预和控制,有利于我国高等教育的发展。  相似文献   

13.
This research note examines “below the line” media relations planning templates that are used to coordinate the release of government information, such as communications plans, event proposals and social media calendars. Methodological pathways to collect data through access to information are discussed. Templates and guidelines obtained from Canadian federal, provincial and territorial governments are classified into six phases of production: planning authorization, strategic planning, tactical planning, logistical planning, approval of media products and evaluation. The findings suggest political strategizing is least prevalent on matters involving public safety and crisis communications.  相似文献   

14.
Abstract: Joint cabinet meetings are increasingly used for inter‐governmental dialogue, at both international and sub‐state levels. Provincial governments in western Canada, in particular, have employed the joint cabinet meeting format, and, between 2003 and 2009, nine such joint cabinet meetings were held. The resulting inter‐provincial collaboration at these meetings produced over thirty inter‐provincial agreements. Using the details of these particular joint cabinet meetings as a case study, this article considers three questions: First, why do governments hold joint cabinet meetings? Second, are joint cabinet meetings effective mechanisms for inter‐governmental policy‐making? And, third, particular to the Canadian context, what are the implications of joint cabinet meetings for federalism and democracy? The author argues that joint cabinet meetings are designed to build relationships and trust between governments and to allow a “whole‐of‐government” approach for inter‐governmental policy‐making. The joint cabinet meeting model appears to facilitate expedient inter‐governmental policy‐making, but the effectiveness of the resulting policies depends on the political will of the participating governments. Furthermore, in the Canadian context, joint cabinet meetings have the potential of reinforcing regionalism and the undemocratic tendencies associated with executive federalism.  相似文献   

15.
In Westminster parliamentary democracies like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, research has found that cabinet composition is driven mainly by longstanding norms and practices that privilege older, white males with certain educational and political experiences. Do these trends apply at the subnational level where the demographic make-up can be quite different? To answer this question, we draw upon an original dataset of all members of the legislative assembly and cabinet in three Canadian territories from 1979 to 2022. These territories are unique given that Indigenous communities loom large in their governments and societies. Using an event history model, we find that territorial cabinets very much reflect the demographic make up of their legislatures, similar to what occurs at the federal level. We also observe important differences between the territories, which suggest that the influence of Westminster structures and norms are likely mediated by factors unique to each territory.  相似文献   

16.
GitHub is a web‐based digital project hosting service that facilitates collaboration. We introduce how GitHub works and assess how it has been used in the public sector in Canada based on interviews with federal government leaders and a survey of Canadian public service GitHub users. With little research to date on public sector use of GitHub, and none on its use in Canadian governments, we explore the early experience with this collaboration tool and consider the possible implications for collaboration in government.  相似文献   

17.
加拿大各级政府在高等教育方面颇具战略眼光,对教育质量特别重视。加拿大高等院校具有鲜明的民主思想和强烈的人文关怀意识,其灵活的办学体制提高了教育效益,高度的学生自治培养了学生的创新能力。  相似文献   

18.
大学生社会化是大学生成才的必然过程,本文着重分析了影响大学生社会化的学习、社会环境、家庭、同龄群体、社会实践等五个方面的基本因素,并提出了相应的对策。  相似文献   

19.
First Nations are important regional development actors, and yet their development ambitions and goals have often been ignored or poorly understood by settler governments. Since 2004, the Canadian federal government has supported First Nations governments and Tribal Councils to develop Comprehensive Community Plans (CCPs)—community planning documents that are meant to set priorities and guide development in the medium to long term. This study employs a quantitative content analysis of all publicly available CCPs and related strategic planning documents in British Columbia in order to understand development priorities and in doing so, reveals a mismatch between the interests of First Nations and settler governments.  相似文献   

20.
适老化改造是当代实现居家养老的前提条件,已成为各国应对人口快速老龄化的基本政策。国内自2013年新《老年人权益保障法》强调建设老年宜居环境以来,各地开始推动老年人生活环境的改善,但由于责任主体不明、操作程序不清等诸多问题,改造成效相对有限。较早步入老龄化的西方发达国家已普遍实施居家适老化改造,建构了一套切实可行的制度体系和服务路径。本文通过比较分析美国、日本、瑞典在不同福利政策下形成的适老化改造实践,总结这些国家的典型做法和先进经验,进而提出我国适老化改造的规范化建议及可行性路径,以解决环境设施和老龄社会要求之间日益凸显的矛盾。  相似文献   

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