Partisan politics and fiscal policy in the Canadian provinces

This article evaluates the impact of partisanship on provincial fiscal policies over business- and electoral-cycles between 1981 and 2016. There were partisan differences between left-wing governments (the New Democratic Party and the Parti Québécois), on the one hand, and conservative ones, on the other. The evidence is particularly strong for business-cycles, where left-wing parties pursued much more countercyclical strategies than conservatives. In contrast, there was little difference between most Liberal administrations and conservative ones. Left-wing fiscal policies nevertheless lost their distinctiveness during the last third of the study period. The article concludes by discussing possible explanations for this change.     

Early childhood education and care reform in Canadian provinces: Understanding the role of experts and evidence in policy change

In over half of Canada's provinces, a recent commission has recommended major reform of ECEC systems; in response, provincial governments in nearly all cases have chosen to implement full‐day kindergarten funded by the province and delivered through public schools. We analyze the commission processes that led to changes to investigate the relationship between experts, policy makers, and policy outcomes. Our analysis of processes in BC, Alberta, Ontario, Quebec, and PEI leads us to conclude that governments rarely fully implement the programs supported by the evidence base and recommended by their own experts. Instead, recent policy changes have been driven by a highly selective and path‐dependent approach to the complex issue of early childhood care and education.     

Quebec in the Canadian federation: a provisional evaluative framework

Abstract. The authors consider two separate questions concerning the independence of Quebec: would Quebec improve its standard of living if it left the federation? and would political independence make it easier for Quebec to solve its economic problems? They argue that the first question, which is entangled in the ‘battle of regional economic accounts,’ cannot be answered satisfactorily and has drawn too much attention so far. So they focus on the second question, which they dissect into four sub-questions: 1/the options open to Quebec in the international economy; 2/structural adjustment and development policies; 3/employment stabilization policies; and 4/the organization of production and income distribution policy. The authors stress that the margins of latitude open to an independent Quebec would be rather narrow at the international level. But they conclude that, if the rigidities injected by the federal bureaucracy into the functioning of the federation and into the debate between levels of government persist, an independent Quebec could reap some net benefits in terms of economic development, employment stabilization, production organization and income distribution. Hence, the cost of political independence would be an increasing function of the capacity of Canadian federalism to display more flexibility in those matters in the future.     

Populism in Canadian foreign policy: the 1986 review revisited

Abstract: Throughout the 1993 federal election campaign Canadians were subjected to reminders that this was an age of disillusioned populists. One response to this new mood was contained in the now popular Red Book entitled “Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada,” in which the right of Canadians to regular and serious consultations on foreign policy issues was to be affirmed and acted upon. This essay explores how an earlier consultation in 1985–86 was accomplished in the most extensive foreign policy review process ever established by the federal government. It examines the bureaucratic attitudes towards such public input and the critical leadership needed by the minister to ensure that a positive response to the parliamentarians' 121 recommendations was obtained from the bureaucracy. If parliamentary committees are to play the middleman role in brokering diverse and competing ideas emanating from public representations on policy, then ministerial interest, involvement, and clout will be deemed necessities before acceptance and policy implementation become a reality among mandarins. Obtaining public input is much easier than moving the bureaucracy in response to that input. The modes of public administration must be adjusted if democratization of policy making is to become a reality. Sommaire: Tout au long de la campagne d'élection fédérale de 1993, les événements ont rappelé aux Canadiens que notre époque était celle des populistes désillusionnés. Parmi les réactions à ce nouvel état d'esprit figurait le “ Livre rouge ”, entre-temps devenu populaire et intitulé“ Créer des possibilités: le Plan libéral pour le Canada ”, qui affirmait les droits des Canadiens àêtre consultés de manière régulière et sérieuse sur les questions de politique étrangère afin qu'on y donne suite. Le présent article examine la manière dont une consultation antérieure (Hockin-Simard, 1985–1986) a été réalisée dans le cadre du processus de réexamen de la politique étrangère le plus approfondi et jamais entrepris par le gouvernement fédéral. Il examine les attitudes des fonctionnaires face à cette participation du public ainsi que le leadership essentiel dont le ministre avait besoin pour s'assurer d'obtenir une réponse positive du fonctionnariat aux 121 recommandations des députés. Si l'on veut que les comités parlementaires jouent le rôle d'intermédiaires pour faire accepter des idées à la fois diverses et contradictoires provenant des soumissions du public sur les questions de politique, il est absolument nécessaire qu'il y ait intérêt, participation, et forte intervention de la part du ministre avant que l'acceptation et la Inise en oeuvre des politiques ne deviennent éalité parmi les bureaucrates. Il est beaucoup plus facile d'obtenir l'avis du public que de faire bouger la bureaucratie à réagir à cet avis. Les usages d'administmtion publique doivent subir des ajustements si l'on veut que la démocratisation de la définition des politiques devienne réalité.     

Multilevel policy from the municipal perspective: A pan‐Canadian survey

Building on in‐depth case studies and extensive theory‐building by Canadian multilevel governance scholars, this article identifies and describes multilevel policy involvement by federal, provincial, municipal, private, and NGO actors in three policy phases and eighteen policy domains that specifically involve local governments in Canada. Drawing from an original pan‐Canadian survey of municipal mayors and councillors, we show that municipal politicians see multilevel policy involvement as remarkably prevalent across many policy domains. Using an original measure of multilevel policy involvement, we identify the policy domains in which policy involvement is most concentrated or fragmented and then describe the correlates of this measure. Multilevel policy involvement, we argue, is more clearly associated with policy phase and policy domain than with municipal population or region. We conclude with a discussion of implications for future research.     

Movers and stayers: mobility patterns among senior public servants in Canadian provinces

Abstract: There has developed in Canada a well‐established literature on bureaucratic elites at the federal level. There has not, however, been a systematic study of bureaucratic elites at the provincial level. While individual scholars have studied particular provincial governments, there have been few studies that covered more than one province. This paper, which analyses a census of assistant deputy ministers and deputy ministers in every Canadian province between 1988 and 1996, considers the mobility of these top two levels of the senior public service. The findings indicate that there has only been a slight decline in the number of senior public servants as governments have downsized. The findings also show that, unlike at the federal level, there is limited mobility among these senior public servants, with roughly one‐third of them changing each year. In some provinces, mobility levels increase slightly in the year after an election. Levels of mobility and changes in the number of senior public servants also vary across provinces, but there is no pattern based on the size of the province. Finally, there are important differences in the mobility depending on the type of department. In particular, in departments where there is a core knowledge or skill, mobility levels are much lower than in departments that lack such a core. These findings throw some light on the difficulties provinces may have in solving some of their more intractable policy problems. Sommaire: Il existe au Canada une bibliographie solidement implantée concernant les elites bureaucratiques au niveau fédéral. Il n'y a pas eu, par contre, d'étude systématique concernant les élites bureaucratiques au palier provincial. Des chercheurs ont analysé un gouvemement provincial à la fois mais peu d'études ont examiné plus d'une province à la fois. Dans cet article, qui analyse un recensement de sous‐ministres adjoints et de sous‐ministres dans chaque province du Canada entre 1988 et 1996, nous examinons la mobilité des ces deux niveaux supérieurs du fonctionnariat. Face aux réductions d'effectifs gouvernementaux, le déclin du nombre de hauts fonctionnaires semble avoir été léger. On constate aussi que, à l'encontre du palier fédéral, il y a une mobilité limitée chez ces derniers, environ un tiers changeant chaque année. Dans certaines provinces, le taux de mobilité augmente légèrement l'année qui suit une élection. Les taux de mobilité et l'évolution du nombre de hauts fonctionnaires varient aussi d'une province à l'autre, mais la taille de la province ne semble pas être un facteur déterminant. Enfin, il y a des écarts de mobilité importants selon le type de ministère. Notamment, les ministères exigeant des connaissances ou des aptitudes particulières ont des taux de mobilité très inférieurs à ceux des autres. Ces constatations mettent en relief les difficultés auxquelles peuvent se heurter les provinces lorsqu'elles essaient de régler certains de leurs problèmes les plus ardus en matière de politiques.     

Measuring the age distribution in Canadian social spending

Canadian governments do not report how their spending breaks down by age. To help fill this void, we document a method to measure total annual social spending per capita for older and younger parts of the population. We estimate that governments combined in 2012 to spend between $33,321 and $40,152 per person age 65+, $13,635 and $14,800 per person age 45 to 64, and $10,406 and $11,614 per person under 45. Measuring the annual age distribution in social spending is necessary for evaluating Canadian commitments to intergenerational equity, and making policy adaptations to socioeconomic and demographic trends facing older and younger citizens.     

Public visibility and policy relevance: assessing the impact and influence of Canadian policy institutes

Abstract: Policy research institutes, or think-tanks, as journalists and scholars often label them, are attracting considerable exposure in the print and broadcast media. The Fraser Institute, the C.D. Howe Institute, and the Canadian Tax Foundation are among a handful of Canadian think-tanks whose studies are frequently referred to in the press. Yet, despite the increased public visibility of these and other think-tanks, few scholars have considered whether the most frequently cited think-tanks play an important role in other critical stages of the policy-making process. By measuring the relative visibility and policy relevance of a sizeable cross-section of the think-tank population in Canada, this paper demonstrates that not only do think-tanks wield different types of policy influence, but they elect to exercise it at different stages of the policy-making process. More specifically, think-tanks may share a common desire to shape and mould public opinion and public policy, but the priorities they assign to accessing particular stages of the policy cycle vary considerably. Sommaire: Les institute de recherche politique font I'objet de beaucoup d'attention de la part de la presse et des autres média. L'lnstitut Fraser, l'lnstitut C.D. Howe et I'Association canadienne d'études fiscales figurent parmi les quelques instituts dont les études sont souvent citées dans la presse. Malgré la visibilité publique de plus en plus grande de ces instituts, et d'autres encore, très peu d'académiciens se sont pourtant interrogés pour savoir si les instituts les plus souvent cités jouent un rôle important dans d'autres étapes critiques du processus de décision politique. En mesurant la visibilité relative et la pertinence politique d'un gros échantillon de la population d'instituts de ce genre au Canada, cet article démontre qu'en plus d'avoir des effets de types différents sur les politiques, ces instituts choisissent d'exercer leur influence à divers moments du processus de définition des politiques. Plus précisément, ces instituts partagent peut-être le désir commun de former et de moduler I'opinion publique et les politiques gouvernementales, mais la priorité qu'ils accordent aux étapes particulières du cycle d'élaboration des politiques varie de manière considérable.     

Public health‐care provision in the Canadian provinces and American states

Abstract: While there are broad differences between the health‐care systems in Canada and the United States, sub‐national variation is significant in both countries (though more notably among American states), both in terms of the role of government in the provision of health‐care as well as outputs of the health‐care system such as access and cost‐control. Although this variation is rarely considered in comparisons of health‐care policy in the two countries, the value of using the United States as a comparative reference in contemporary policy debates in Canada would be considerably greater if such variations were utilized to augment the analytical leverage resulting from such comparisons. Sommaire: Alors que les différences entre les systèmes de soins de santé au Canada et aux États‐Unis sont importantes, l'écart infranational est considérable dans les deux pays (bien que plus notoire parmi les États américains) aussi bien en ce qui concerne le rôle joué par le gouvemement dans la prestation des soins de santé, que les extrants du système de soins de santé comme l'accès et le contrôle des coûts. Même si cet écart est rarement pris en compte dans les comparaisons de la politique de soins de santé des deux pays, le fait de recourir aux États‐Unis comme point de référence comparatif dans les débats aduels sur la politique au Canada aurait beaucoup plus de valeur si un tel écart était utilisé pour accroître le levier analytique résultant de telles comparaisons.     

Canadian container ports: shipping trends and policy issues

Abstract: Canada's major container ports face considerable challenges from rapid changes in inland and ocean transportation systems. Currently, one of the major issues facing ocean shipping is the surplus supply of available capacity, with the resultant decline in ocean freight rates. Increased vessel efficiency is being sought through economies of scale (larger ships) and reduced vessel operating costs. Larger ships have led to reductions in the numbers of ports at which a vessel will call. The resultant rise of “load centres” means geographically disadvantaged ports will experience decreases in their container traffic throughput. The past few years have witnessed the phenomenal rise of double-stacked container trains travelling from American west coast ports to various inland destinations. A number of Pacific shipping lines are opting for this land-bridging approach to serve east coast destinations rather than by the traditional all-water route via the Panama Canal. Other issues facing Canadian ports include: intermodalism, regulatory reform and improving labour productivity. To effectively compete in today's turbulent ocean shipping and inland transportation environment, Canadian ports will have to monitor and adapt to the rapid changes affecting their container terminal operations. Sommaire: Les principaux ports canadiens sont confrontés à de nombreux défis en raison des changements rapides qui surviennent dans les systèmes de transport à l'intérieur des terres et sur les mers. À l'heure actuelle, l'un des plus grands problèmes vient du fait qu'il y a trop de navires porte-conteneurs, ce qui entraîne une baisse des tarifs d'expédition. On cherche à ce que les bâtiments soient le plus efficace possible en ayant des bateaux plus grands et en réduisant les coûts de fonctionnement. La mise en service de bâtiments plus grands a réduit le nombre de ports où ceux-ci peuvent faire escale. La montée des “centres de chargement” signifie que les ports mal situés géographiquement verront décliner le débit de leur trafic.     

Representative bureaucracy: linguistic/ethnic aspects in Canadian public policy

Abstract. This paper explores the historical background, logical contours and policy implications of recent attempts by the Government of Canada to achieve the ‘effectively balanced participation’ of francophones in the federal public service. Historically, various crucial events concerning French Canadian participation in the federal bureaucracy are recounted with an eye to understanding both the roots of present policies and the distinctive inherited elements which shape them. Logically, the generic concept ‘representative bureaucracy’ is employed as a prism for shedding light on its Canadian variant, ‘balanced participation’: the logic of representative bureaucracy and the arguments for and against it are explicated, with concern for how these pertain to the Canadian case. Finally, the foregoing historical and logical elements are brought to bear on the question of sociological proportionality in the federal public service, especially as it might involve the use of quotas. It is maintained that sociological heterogeneity in the federal bureaucracy is a positive value, and that recruitment and promotion procedures should strive to attract people with manifold backgrounds, perspectives and talents. The use of legislated quotas, however, is viewed as an inefficacious and potentially destructive means for addressing this task. With respect to the issue of francophone participation specifically, the adoption of legislated quotas would be superficial and anachronistic.     

Evening the keel: Measuring and responding to precarity in the Canadian labour economy

This article argues that misalignment between the realities of work in the new economy and the regulations is having negative health and social implications at all levels of Canadian society. Remedying this requires drastic reshaping of policy approaches, but current laws and employment norms presume the labour market is a static entity. Policymakers should focus on improving how labour market data is collected for producing evidence‐based recommendations, and on re‐evaluating neoclassical economic assumptions underpinning this outdated framework. We argue the expansion of precarious work is reshaping the Canadian economy and society, and provide recommendations for data, policy and administration to address this trend.     

Suing Canadian governments: Core public policy and operational decisions

Challenges in distinguishing between core policy and operational decisions in the public policy process have spawned a legal grey area in Canadian public administration. Governments are immune from civil liability for policy decisions made by the cabinet yet they remain exposed to liability for operational decisions by public servants. We seek to raise awareness of this nexus within the Canadian public administration community by drawing on key interviews with lawyers, former attorneys general, a former premier, a former judge and a legal scholar. We explain that demarcating policy from operational decisions relies on written documentation that is difficult to locate and may not exist. Clarity is desired, but Canadian courts are reluctant to overrule a public authority’s opinion, which is based on socio-economic and political considerations. We conclude with observations for public administrators.     

Exporting governance: Lithuania adapts a Canadian policy management model

Abstract: Lithuania's efforts to join the European Union were faltering in the late 1990s. A moribund policy management system offered scant hope for quick reversal. To break the impasse, Lithuania's prime minister negotiated a unique, CIDA‐funded project to modernize their decision‐making system by partnering with the Ontario Public Service and the Institute of Public Administration of Canada. Although slow to gain traction, inspired leadership by a new Lithuanian prime minister, his chancellor and government secretary re‐energized efforts to adapt an Ontario policy management model, which endures today. The results, in terms of pace and scope of reform, were impressive. But did they make a difference? In the absence of useful public benchmarks from oecd governments, the project collaborated with the World Bank to develop its own set of indicators for each stage of the policy process. Two surveys, conducted in 2000 and 2002, revealed a dramatic turnaround, underscoring how major change can be quickly implemented when supported by determined leadership. This article reviews the project, the survey methodology and results. Given the centrality of Ontario to Lithuania's reform, the article concludes with a cursory exploration of whether the province applies its own best practices. The answer, not surprisingly, is that it does so, sometimes. Sommaire: Les efforts déployés par la Lituanie pour se joindre à l'Union européenne s'affaiblirent à la fin des années 1990. Un système moribond de gestion des politiques offrait peu d'espoir d'un revirement rapide. Pour mettre fin à l'impasse, le Premier ministre de la Lituanie a négocié un projet unique financé par lacdi pour moder‐niser leur système de prise de décision, en établissant un partenariat avec la Fonction publique de l'Ontario et l'Institut d'administration publique du Canada. Même si ce projet fut lent à démarrer, un leadership inspiré par le nouveau Premier ministre litu‐anien, son chancelier et secrétaire d'État relança les efforts pour adapter un modèle ontarien de gestion des politiques, qui se trouve toujours en place aujourd'hui. Les resultats, en termes de rapidité et de portée de la réforme, furent impressionnants. Mais ont‐ils changé quelque chose? En l'absence de points de repère publics utiles de la part des gouvernements de locde , le projet a collaboré avec la Banque mondiale au développement de ses propres indicateurs pour chaque étape du processus de politique. Deux enquêtes, menées en 2000 et 2002, ont révélé un redressement remar‐quable, soulignant comment un changement majeur peut être rapidement mis en ceuvre lorsqu'il a I'appui d'un leadership déterminé. Cet article passe en revue le projet, la méthodologie et les résultats des enquêtes. Étant donné la grande importance de l'Ontario dans la réforme de la Lituanie, en conclusion, l'article examine brièvement si la province applique elle‐même ses meilleures pratiques. La réponse, qui n'est pas surprenante, est que oui, elle les applique…Parfois.     

Harmonization through emulation: Canadian federalism and water export policy

Abstract: This article explores the challenges of policy harmonization in a decentralized federal polity through a study of Canadian efforts to develop nationwide water export regulations over the past fifteen years. The Canadian experience in water export policy illustrates three different policy harmonization processes and suggests some of the effects that international free trade agreements have had on economic and environmental regulation in Canada. Prior to the introduction of free trade, the federal government attempted to deal with water exports through the imposition of uniform national standards. After free trade, however, harmonization efforts became more decentralized as federal power over export controls diminished but provincial powers over water‐taking remained untouched. Despite an effort towards harmonization through policy interface standardization in the 1999 Water Accord, successful harmonization did not occur as a result of intergovernmental cooperation. Instead, harmonization was eventually achieved through an extensive process of policy emulation, a phenomenon that has received relatively little attention in the literature on federalism and public policy, to this point. Sommaire: Le présent article examine les défis de I'harmonisation des politiques dans un système fédéral déentralisé, en étudiant les efforts canadiens déployés pour éla‐borer des règlements sur I'exportation de l'eau à I'échelle nationale au cows des quinze derniéres années. L'expérience canadienne dans le domaine de la politique de l'exportation de l'eau illustre trois différents processus d'harmonisation des politiques et préente certains impacts produits par les accords de libre‐échange internationaux sur la délementation économique et environnementale au Canada. Avant I'introduction du libre‐échange, le gouvemement fédéral essayait de traiter l'exportation de I'eau en imposant des normes nationales uniformes. Depuis le libre‐échange, cependant, les efforts d'harmonisation sont devenus plus dCcentralisés, tan‐dis que le pouvoir fédéral sur les contrôles des exportations a diminue et que les pouvoirs provinciaux dans ce domaine sont demeurés inchangés. Malgré un effort réalisé dam le sens de I'harmonisation de l'interface politique avec 1'Accord sur I'eau de 1999, la coopération intergouvemementale n'a pas menéà l'harmonisation. Par contre, on y est parvenu par le biais d'un vaste processus d'émulation politique, phénoméne qui jusqu'à ce jour est passé pratiquement inapercu dans la documentation sur le fédéralisme et la politique publique.     

Evolving structure of governments: Portfolio adoption across the Canadian provinces from 1867–2012

Based on work by Moon and Sayers on the assignment of ministerial portfolios in Australia, we use a new dataset on portfolio adoption across all ten Canadian provinces and the federal government from 1867–2012. This data set when analyzed shows four distinct patterns of portfolio adoption that point to key motivations behind the development of new portfolios. We show that much of the common wisdom fails to explain portfolio creation but that patterns of development may be better explained by a new typology. The work attempts to fill a gap in the understudied area of Canadian ministerial portfolios and comparative provincial politics.     

Public policy analysis and the Canadian health care system

The Canadian Health System . By lee sodekstrom . Toronto: Macmillan of Canada. 1978. Pp. 271. $19.95 (cloth); $9.95 (paper). Health Insurance and Canadian Public Policy . By malcolm g. taylor . Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. 1978. Pp. 473. $18.95 (cloth) $7.95 (paper). The Health Care Business . By ake blomqvist . Vancouver: The Fraser Institute. 1979. Pp. 185. $5.95 (paper).