从胡锦涛访美看中国公共外交

中国国家主席胡锦涛于2011年1月18日至2011年1月21日对美国进行国事访问,在历时四天的时间内,胡锦涛与美国总统奥巴马会谈、会见及共同出席各种活动的时间超过十二个小时,签署了<中美联合声明>,出席了近20场活动,与美国社会各界进行了广泛的接触,可谓是内容丰富、成果卓著、影响深远.其中政府外交的作用毋庸置疑,而胡锦涛访美中的中国公共外交也同样引人注目.     

中国进入公共外交时代

改革开放三十年后的中国已经走到了世界的舞台中心，随着中国对世界的影响曰益强大，中国发生的事情随时会成为世界的舆论主题，中国有必要以公共外交增强中国的国际话语权。     

北大西洋公约组织公共外交管窥

北约公共外交分为联盟和国家两个层次,它拥有完整的公共外交机构和国际化的工作人员,主要内容包括承办新闻媒体活动、协调对外关系和传播电子及硬拷贝信息等.冷战后,北约公共外交呈现出一些基本特点,目的是更好地服务于北约的总体战略.     

公共外交对中国国家形象的塑造

公共外交是为了提高本国的知名度、美誉度和认同度,主要在政府引领下对本国和另一国的群众起引导作用,使得他们对本国的国家看法发生改变。国家形象包括一个国家在自己国人眼中的形象,以及一个国家在国际间的政治、经济、文化、军事、科技等方面相互交往过程中给其他国家及其公众留下的综合印象。公共外交是塑造中国国家形象的主要途径,它塑造高效的中国政府形象,中国国民的智慧、勇敢、坚韧、拼搏的形象,中国在经济上的迅速和平发展的大国的国家形象,以及充满活力的中国文化形象等。我国要同时面对机遇与挑战,为了塑造出正确的国家形象而努力。     

拓展政协公共外交职能

公共外交和政府外交组成国家整体外交。公共外交的行为主体包括政府、社会精英、普通公众三个方面,其中政府是主导,社会精英是中坚,普通公众是基础。我国公共外交的基本任务是向世界说明中国,帮助国外公众理解真实的中国。政协在公共外交领域有着得天独厚的优势,具有融官方外交与民间外交于一体、灵活多样的特点,与公共外交的特性高度吻合。     

公共外交、媒体与战争

以美国政府在阿富汗战争前的公共外交为例,分析媒体公共外交与国家意图之间的关系。国际政治理论结合国际政治传播学、传播心理学为分析国家行为提供了有力的工具。最后,强调了在新时期,提高国家声誉,重视公共外交的重要性。     

试析互联网在公共外交中的作用

公共外交的兴起是历史发展的必然趋势,是对传统政府间外交的补充和发展,是全球化和信息时代的战略工具。以互联网为代表的大众传媒进一步拓宽了公众获取信息的渠道,促进了公共外交的发展。积极主动地掌握网络主动权,已经成为国家开展公共外交的重要途径。     

新公共外交视角下的英国国家形象构建初探

英国的公共外交提升了英国的国家形象,维护了英国的国际地位,并成为他国借鉴学习的对象。近年来,新公共外交成为国际社会探讨的焦点,其中"新"途径——网络及新媒体的运用更是成为公共外交发挥作用的重要渠道。对英国而言,它自身的创新也为英国新公共外交增色不少。着重探讨英国如何利用其新公共外交活动来提升其国家形象。     

中国文化公共外交的新机遇

2012年5月17日,美国国务院的一纸限期在美孔子学院执教、持J—1签证的中国教师离境的公告让已经在美国存在了8年之久的孔子学院突然陷入了尴尬境地。     

中德公共外交新趋势

中德两国的公共外交与中德政治、经济往来相比稍显滞后,但在近几年来两国领导人的推动下大大改观。今年来两国公共外交以青年人为主力,以来华交流为主要方式,同时配合以两国媒体间对话,给中德关系的良性发展源源不断地注入"正能量"。     

Paradigms of public financial administration in the evolution of papua new guinea

In the evolution of Papua New Guinea from dependent territory to independent entity, public financial administration has experienced a series of changes. Each historical group of changes may be represented by a characteristic paradigm which identifies the nature of the underlying concepts and their essential dynamics in the context of the political, economic and social environment. From the early days of Australian settlement, public financial administration was dominated by the colonial paradigm as the two constituent territories—initially separately and then jointly—relied almost exclusively on Canberra for the provision of funds, supply of expertise and formation of policies. More recently, since national independence, legislative and staffing changes have occurred in public financial administration but there have been no infrastructural innovations in response to current needs and priorities. Australian support of the recurrent budget and other foreign aid have not abated, while the forms and institutions involved in public financial administration continue to reflect strong metropolitan influences which militate against the formation of an indigenous paradigm consonant with national aspirations, development goals and cultural values.     

新中国成立以来共享发展思想的演进历程

共享发展理念虽然是在党的十八届五中全会提出的。但自新中国成立以来,中国共产党人就开始了适合中国国情的共享发展思想的探索。毛泽东在社会主义革命和建设实践中对共享发展进行了艰辛探索和生动实践。在改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期,邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛立足社会主义初级阶段的基本国情,使共享发展思想逐步推进。党的十八大以后,习近平总书记第一次把共享发展上升为国家发展理念。     

浅析"新公共管理"理论在中国的应用

"新公共管理"在西方的兴起是官僚制寿终正寝的结果,而在中国,实际情况是还没有真正的官僚制,科层制并没有发挥出其真正的优势,本文并不反对把"新公共管理"应用到中国政府的改革中来,但却提醒大家在用"新公共管理"改造中国政府的时候,不要盲目崇拜"新公共管理"理论,把它当做救世良药,就我国目前形势来看还要充分发挥官僚制的优势.     

中国多边外交理论与实践

恢复联合国合法席位至今，中国的多边外交实践不断拓展，多边外交理论也不断深化。本文通过对比了几代领导人的多边外交思想，以角色变迁为线索分析了中国开展多边外交的三个历史阶段。中国多边外交具有一条前后相继的核心线索，同时又处在不断创新的动态发展之中。坚持开展多边外交将有助于最终建构起中国负责任大国的国际形象，推进和平发展战略，实现中国和世界的双赢。     

论新公共管理之管理主义的理论缺陷

新公共管理是20世纪70年代后在西方国家政府改革过程中形成和发展起来,并颇具影响的公共行政理论派别。由于受管理主义传统的影响,新公共管理存在着许多值得反思与批判的缺陷:如“公共性”的阙失、对市场机制的崇拜、“顾客”隐喻的不当、人性假设的偏颇等。现代政府的正当性或合法性必须奠基于公平、正义、民主、责任的价值前提,不可陷入偏狭的牢笼。     

Symposium comment: On the new politics of public policy

The process is not the problem, the problem is the problem. Rudolph Penner (1984). …We argue the superiority of the outcome from the process, not of the process from the outcome. The constancy of the economist's objection to this conclusion when applied to governmental rather than market decisions simply often reflects the fact that, while some economists are not disturbed that consumer preferences lead to allocation policies other than best respond to their own tastes, when political preferences lead to governmental policies not consistent with his informed and considered preferences, they are tempted to attribute irrationality to government.     

Mapping the evolution and transformation of the new private entrepreneurs in China

Given the fact that the new private entrepreneurs (NPEs) are playing an increasingly important role in Chinese politics and economy, this article maps the historical evolution of the NPEs through analyzing five main private business groups, including small individual businessmen, price speculators, land speculators, enterprise investors and high-tech investors. The article also examines six major ways that the NPEs have sought to protect their private property and improve their moral reputation, ranging from obtaining the Communist Party membership, congressional seat and an official position within a government branch, to relying on the law, participating in the local election process, and contributing to charitable causes. In so doing, they have increased their influence in the Chinese political, social, and economic spheres. His research fields include China reform, economic history, and US-China relations. He has published and edited six books and more than 60 research articles. The earlier version of the paper was presented at the 56th Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies (AAS), San Diego, March 6, 2004. The author is indebted to the following scholars for their valuable reviews and suggestions: Drs. Yi Sun, Harvey Nelsen, Frank Hoffman, and four anonymous referees.     

Testing the China Threat paradigm: China's high-speed railway diplomacy in Southeast Asia

Vying for high-speed railway projects overseas has become a prominent feature of China's diplomacy in recent years, including in Southeast Asia. These efforts have been widely depicted within the premises of the China Threat narrative – as a part of Beijing's agenda to alter the power balance in Southeast Asia at the expense of the economic, political, and security well-being of countries in the region. This paper challenges such interpretations and concludes that these projects do not have either the intention or capacity to facilitate such a hostile and far-reaching agenda toward the region.     

The rhetoric of public diplomacy and propaganda wars: A view from self-presentation theory

Abstract.  Efforts by governments to affect foreign public opinion through direct communication – and in competition with rival governments – have been a stable and consistent feature of international diplomacy since the turn of the twentieth century. Yet public diplomacy and its use in propaganda wars has not been sufficiently theorized, a lacuna that this article seeks to address by means of the social-psychological theory of self-presentation and impression management. The discussion suggests that public diplomacy is a form of self-presentation for social empowerment, in which rhetorical strategies and associated tactics are means of addressing image predicaments in foreign public opinion. The analysis is illustrated by means of the recent Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its presentation in the official websites of the parties.     

International political marketing: a case study of United States soft power and public diplomacy

• Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross‐cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation‐states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation‐states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation‐states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power.
• This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter‐related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM.
• It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long‐term approach and the non‐government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject.

Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.