Design Thinking in Policymaking Processes: Opportunities and Challenges

Design thinking has the potential to improve problem definition and mechanism design in policymaking processes. By promoting greater understanding of how citizens experience government services, design thinking can support public managers who desire to enhance public value. In Australia, as elsewhere, design thinking currently remains separated from mainstream policymaking efforts. This article clarifies the essence of design thinking and its applicability to policy development. Five design thinking strategies are discussed, all of which have lengthy histories as social science methodologies. They are (1) environmental scanning, (2) participant observation, (3) open‐to‐learning conversations, (4) mapping, and (5) sensemaking. Recent examples from Australia and New Zealand are used to illustrate how these strategies have been incorporated into policymaking efforts. The article concludes by considering how design thinking might be more broadly applied in policymaking, and the training and resourcing requirements that would entail.     

经济发展方式转变与政治体制改革的内在逻辑

经济发展方式转变与政治体制改革有着十分密切的内有逻辑关系.一方面,经济发展方式转变的自身规律和价值诉求呼唤着政治体制改革;另一方面,政治体制改革的稳步推进需要尽快转变经济发展方式.从一定意义上讲,经济发展方式转变内在地要求政治体制改革,而政治体制改革则是实现经济发展方式转变的根本保障.经济发展方式转变要以三个层面的内涵为依托,以经济发展方式转变为契机,积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革,从而使政治体制能够适应与契合经济发展方式转变的需要,更好地为经济发展方式转变提供支持与保障.     

Mexican Economic and Fiscal Policies to Sustain Political Stability

During the 1980s, Mexico was in a state of crisis. Its economic prosperity collapsed in 1982, and its political system almost self-destructed in 1988. Yet by 1994, the economy was once again growing and the party that had ruled the country since 1929 appeared poised to win the national election of August 1994, despite the traumatic assassination of the ruling party candidate for president. How did the Mexican regime do it? This article examines the role of economic policies in restoring the fortunes of the Mexican regime.     

State Spaceport Initiatives: Economic and Political Innovation in an Intergovernmental Context

State spaceports are an interesting example of intergovernmentalrelations because activities conducted at such facilities spanthe state, federal, and international realms. Five states—Alaska,California, Florida, New Mexico, and Virginia—are themost visible participants in the process. In this study, thesupporting rationales for such endeavors are discussed withinthe context of the broader contours of intergovernmental relations.The field is a product of the post-Cold War period during whichopportunities for state space activities arose due to changesin the national security environment. Three distinct but interrelatedexplanations are suggested for why the field has developed slowly,although during the past two years, progress in achieving goalshas begun to occur.     

Political Cultural Variations in State Economic Development Policy

The impact of political culture on state politics has been investigatedwidely, but little is known about the relationship between politicalculture and economic development policy, even though such policiesplay a prominent role in contemporary state politics. DrawingonDanielJ. Elazar's analysis of American political subcultures,I suggest that moralistic, individualistic, and traditionalisticvalues imply quite different strategies for promoting economicgrowth Empirical evidence shows that moralistic states pursuestrategies that emphasize solidarity, while individualisticstates employ policies that confer particularistic benefitson investors. For their part, policymakers in traditionalisticstates prefer exclusionary incentives that tend to reinforceexisting patterns of domination. Whether any of these strategiessucceed in realizing their cultural objectives remains to beseen; however, actions that positively affect economic performancemay lead to the erosion of cultural values by triggering migrationsthat bring new values into play.     

The Political Economy: Political Attitudes and Economic Behavior

It has long been recognized that voters bring their political behaviors in line with economic assessments. Recent work, however, suggests that citizens also engage in economic behaviors that align with their confidence—or lack thereof—in the political system. This alignment can happen consciously or, as we suggest, unconsciously, in the same way that positivity carries over to other behaviors on a micro-level. Using monthly time series data from 1978 to 2008, we contribute further evidence of this relationship by demonstrating that political confidence affects consumer behavior at the aggregate level over time. Our analyses employ measures more closely tied to the theoretical concepts of interest while simultaneously accounting for the complex relationships between subjective and objective economic indicators, economic behavior, political attitudes, and the media. Our results suggest that approval of the president not only increases the electorate’s willingness to spend money, but also affects the volatility of this spending. These findings suggest that the economy is influenced by politics beyond elections, and gives the “Chief Economist” another avenue by which they can affect the behavior of the electorate.     

中国政治改革的政策过程分析

实践中的中国政治改革一直是在“摸着石头过河”的方法论指导下循序向前推进的。政治改革是否应该采取渐进的方式一直是政治学理论界争论的中心之一,此外,理论界在政治改革的目的、路径和进程等方面也进行了激烈的争论。过于宏大的理论由于过于局限于规范伦理判断而缺乏对中国政治改革实践的有效解释力和指导性。中国政治改革研究应采取事实陈述—价值判断的方法。在这种方法论下,对中国政治改革作一个政策过程分析有益于经验性的考察改革的方式、目的并发现改革的不足。     

State Budgetary Processes and Reforms: The California Story

This paper analyzes state budgetary processes and reforms to inform California budgetary policy. We consider key institutional provisions, including budget periodicity, tax and expenditure limitations, balanced budget and reserve requirements, and supermajority vote requirements, and analyze the extent to which changes are likely to advance procedural norms. Our analysis suggests that empirically unproven assumptions and poorly articulated linkages between budgetary processes and outcomes have undermined the state's ability to understand the budgetary problem and identify effective reforms. We recommend a focus on procedural norms and related reforms that promote effective budgeting processes as a less partisan framework for reform.     

Economic Actors' Political Activity in 'Overlap Issues': Privatisation and EU State Aid Control

This article considers the political activity of economic actors in what we refer to as 'overlap issues'. The cases examined here are the domestic level privatisation policy-making processes in Spain, France and Ireland, and the subsequent European Commission decisions on state aids given during the sales. Although the influence of economic actors is crucial in understanding the domestic-level privatisation aid negotiations, such actors' participation is absent in the supranational decision-making process. In order to explain this limited political activity of firms at the EU level, attention is focused on both the role of the member states and the paradoxes in EU policies that simultaneously guide and constrain the Commission from making a decision against capital.     

Governing Standards: The Rise of Standardization Processes in France and in the EU

The rise of standardization processes highlights two different paths toward a regulatory state. Within the EU, the New Approach serves as a model for co‐regulation, and European standards have become instruments of supranational governance. In France, standardization is much more part of a renegotiation of the state’s role and influence in a changing society. In both cases, standardization was undertaken with other motives; yet it evolved to answer the strains and constraints exerted upon regulatory processes in the two polities. As such, standards are a case for unintentionality in policy instruments.     

新科技革命与苏联传统模式的衰亡

从 17、18世纪至今 ,人类社会经历了三次新科技革命 ,尤其是第三次科技大革命 ,改变了国力效益的标准 ,改变了富国弱国的标准 ,改变了世界竞争的内容和手段 ,对社会和经济发展提出了深刻的内在要求。而苏联传统模式与这种内在要求形成了冲突 ,导致最终衰亡 ,给我们以重要的反面教训和启示。     

The Decline of the Legislative Veto: Federal/State Comparisons and Interactions

Legislative veto systems originated in the 1930s. Their numberincreased steadily until the early 1980s and then declined significantly.The decline of the legislative veto is attributable primarilyto decisions by a number of state supreme courts between 1980and 1984, and by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1983. Almost allcourt decisions have held the legislative veto to be an unconstitutionalviolation of the separation of powers. In addition, most proposalsto authorize the legislative veto by state constitutional amendmenthave been rejected by voters. There has also been a decreasein legislators' enthusiasm for the legislative veto, even instates where it has not been declared unconstitutional. Legislatorshave found other ways to control administrative agencies. Inexamining the decline of the legislative veto, one finds thatthe federal government exercised little influence over the states,the states exercised still less influence over the federal government,but the states did significantly influence one another.     

Whither the Developmental State? The Growing Role of NGOs in Japanese Aid Policymaking

Japan is often characterized as a developmental state, i.e., a state with a strong and autonomous bureaucratic leadership that directs the economy toward achieving developmental goals. This study challenges the developmental state model, arguing that the once-powerful Japanese bureaucracy has lost much of its authority and is no longer autonomous from societal forces. By focusing on the growing role of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Japan's official development assistance (ODA) policymaking, this study shows how the nongovernmental sector has begun to challenge bureaucratic dominance and reshape state–civil society relations in Japan.     

Federalism and the Strong-State/Weak-State Conundrum: Canadian Economic Policymaking in Comparative Perspective

The areal dispersion of power and constitutional division ofresponsibilities in federal arrangements are generally feltto limit the ability of federal systems to improve economicperformance. Examining Canada within a comparative framework,we assess "the federations as weak states" hypothesis as wellas the utility of the "strong-state/weak-state" model itself.Although some aspects of the Canadian federal system—namelythe combination of federal with parliamentary traditions andthe resulting adverse policy styles—inhibit the adoptionof effective economic adjustment policies, these features arenot necessarily found in other federal arrangements. Comparisonswith Switzerland, Austria, and West Germany suggest that, undercertain circumstances, federal power sharing may be conduciveto bringing about broad agreement on both goals and policiesamong national, regional, and local governments and major economicactors.