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Janice Peck 《政治交往》2013,30(3):396-399
We predict that the Internet will have little effect on political interest, efficacy, and knowledge. We use American National Election Survey monthly panel survey data from 2008 to 2010 to test the role of the Internet. We exploit the fact that the firm who conducted the survey—Knowledge Networks—gives out Internet access for free to those who have never had the Internet before in staggered waves, allowing us to create a novel control-waitlist research design. This allows us to analyze the quasi-random assignment of the Internet to new users for a period of nine months compared to a group that has not yet been given free Internet access. We find that nine months of Internet usage does not increase political interest, political efficacy, or political knowledge. An additional wave done after two and a half years of access also shows little change. Our findings thereby raise serious doubts about the previous observational findings of the benefits of Internet usage for political interest, efficacy, and knowledge. 相似文献
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John F. Morrison 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2016,28(3):598-619
With the advent of the new violent dissident merger, “The IRA/New IRA,” the group and its affiliates have had to legitimise their new existence. They have utilised the maintenance of paramilitary activity to achieve this. However, they have also produced a number of organisational statements, justifying their position, tactics, and strategies. This article analyses the evolution of these statements, both pre and post-merger from 2007 to 2015. 126 individual statements and four magazines are analysed using grounded theory. This analysis found that the statements have a dual strategy, aiming to foster trust in the movement and distrust in their perceived enemies. One of the dominant ways in which the group aims to foster trust is by proposing their possession of an historical mandate from the republican forefathers of 1916, as well as the internally lauded paramilitaries from The Troubles-era Provisional Irish Republican Army. The focus of the distrust narrative has been on the “constitutional nationalism” of Sinn Féin. However, it also pours scorn on the Police Service of Northern Ireland, and capitalism, across the island of Ireland. The analysis of these statements can provide us with an understanding of the future direction of the group, as well as giving us insight, which can inform the development of any counter-narrative. 相似文献
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《International Understanding》2011,(3):15-16
The CAFIU secretariat organized the alumni seminar on her 30~(th) anniversaryThe CAFIU secretariat organized the alumni seminar on her 30th anniversary on the morning of Sept. 27th, 2011. Deputy Secretary-General Mr. Ni Jian chaired the seminar. 20-odd former Secretaries-General, Deputy Secretaries-General and CAFIU Executive Council members attended 相似文献
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Raquel da Silva 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(1):162-186
The phenomenon of foreign fighters has become a central issue to the ongoing conflict in Syria. This article explores how members of the public answer the question ‘Why do British citizens join the conflict in Syria’ on social media sites and in response to online news articles. Building upon research on everyday narratives of security and terrorism, we analyse 807 comments, and in doing so, we argue that online comments are important in producing the discursive environment for making sense of British foreign fighters and what should be done in response to them. We find that there is a tendency to view British foreign fighters as being purely motivated by religion, and there is also a belief that British foreign fighters should be responded to through exceptional measures. We discuss the implications of such perceptions, and we highlight how problematic misconceptions about Islam and Muslims are not just disseminated through elite and media discourse, but through everyday narratives published by members of the public online. 相似文献
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Brandon Rottinghaus 《政治交往》2013,30(2):138-157
The strategy of “crafted talk” (or framing) suggests that a politician uses public opinion to anticipate the most alluring, language to convince the public to follow a politician's own preferred policy (Jacobs & Shapiro, 2000). This manipulatory behavior by presidents has important consequences in the realm of constructing foreign policy, especially if the policy involves military service personnel, international prestige, or foreign conflict. However, no scholar has investigated White House archival data to examine the theoretical nuances of presidential “crafting” talk when constructing arguments for foreign policy. This article examines three case studies using internal polling memoranda and focus group results concerning the Vietnam War under President Johnson, the signing of the INF Treaty with the Soviet Union under President Reagan, and the Gulf War under President Bush. In each of the three cases, public opinion places serious constraints on presidential framing of foreign policy. Implications for the effectiveness of political framing and the limits of presidential persuasion are discussed. 相似文献
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With an increasing number of young people turning away from traditional news sources, an important question for democracy is whether alternative sources can help learning about politics and current affairs. In this study, we examine to what extent informal political talk with friends, family, and peers narrows or widens knowledge gaps amongst young people by compensating those with low news media use (“helping the poor”), amplifying news media effects amongst those with high news media use (“the rich get richer”), or distracting those with high news media use (“taxing the rich”). To test these different potentials, we take advantage of a four-wave panel study fielded ahead of the Danish National Election in 2015 among a sample of Danish first-time voters (ages 17 to 21). Our results show that informal political talk functions mostly as a compensator by informing those with low news media use about current political affairs and thereby helps decrease knowledge gaps caused by different levels of news media use. 相似文献
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《中国国际问题研究》2007,(3)
With the rise of Russia and the eastward expansion of NATO,the relations between the United States and Russia have become more and more complicated. Shi Ze,Senior Research Fellow at China Institute of 相似文献
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六十年代和七十年代初,拉丁美洲地区的经济曾获得引人注目的迅速发展。八十年代初开始,拉美各国的经济形势急转直下,先是被卷入资本主义世界经济危机的旋涡,之后经济发展又呈现停滞不前和低速徘徊的局面。对于八十年代以来拉美地区经济形势急剧恶化的状况,学术界的看法比较一致,但对于八十年代上半期和当前拉美地区危机的性质,大家的认识分歧较大。有的认为,这一期间拉美发生的危机“是一场严重的经济危机”,或者说“是有其自身特殊性的资本主义经济危机的一部分”。有的则认为,八十年代上半期的危机,“不是周期性的生产过剩危机,而是结构性的发展危机”。还有的认为,这一时期拉美发生的是“结构性危机”,“是一种特殊的经济危机”等等。 相似文献
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毛一民 《中国辽东半岛国际交流》2008,(5):77
流行于20世纪的一种游戏,尤其适合冬天玩,厚实的棉鞋可有效增加毽子的活动领域,也能保证自己的脚不至因踢它而反被击痛.踢毽子的传统很是悠久,早在汉朝时期就已经形成.历史给予它的名称初起是打鸡,后又叫攒花.至宋代,集市上已出现毽子专卖店-至明清,已有正规的踢毽子比赛.…… 相似文献
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2007年中美关系走向何方这一问题是很多国人关注的焦点问题之一.笔者认为,从去年中美关系的变化可以展望明年中美关系的发展趋势.根据定量衡量,2006年的中美关系的一个重要特征是波折不大,比较稳定. 相似文献
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印尼的贪污腐败同美丽的热带风情一样引人注目.近年来,翻翻印尼的报刊,有哪一本会没有KKN(贪污、官商勾结、裙带作风)这个词呢?看看印尼街头终年不绝的游行示威,又有几次是完全和KKN毫无关系的呢? 相似文献