Unravelling the ‘devolution paradox’: Citizen preferences for self-rule and for shared rule

Recent survey research has revealed a ‘devolution paradox’: some citizens who favour stronger regional governments inconsistently desire policy uniformity across regions and state-wide intervention in policy provision. It is argued and empirically shown that preferences for regional authority can be broken down into preferences for self-rule – that is, for autonomy for the region – and for shared rule – that is, for collaboration between regional and national governments. Drawing upon the International Constitutional Values Survey, which includes 4,930 respondents from 142 regions in eight countries, it is also shown that preferences for self-rule and shared rule have different impacts. Preferences for self-rule translate into a preference for regional reform that strengthens regional autonomy, whereas preferences for shared rule drive preferences for fiscal transfers from richer to poorer regions. These results are important because they can explain why citizens who are in favour of more regional authority may support an apparently ‘paradoxical’ set of policy outcomes.     

英国慈善目的事业立法及借鉴意义

慈善目的事业是慈善概念界定的中心问题。英国慈善目的事业从神灵崇拜逐渐走向世俗化和普遍化,其每一目的事业均有了较为清晰的界定和描述。我国慈善立法可以在借鉴英国慈善法的基础上,规定慈善目的事业制定的公益性标准,明确各类慈善目的事业的具体界线和样态,申明慈善组织之公益性检测的行政程序以及申报程序,并明定慈善组织或者慈善活动违反或规避慈善目的事业有关规定的处罚。     

地方政府征地补偿机制理性分析

现行的征地补偿制度以地方政府垄断经营土地一级市场,征地按土地的原用途补偿为两大基本特征,从而构成了土地管理上的利益驱动,并与兼顾失地农民的合法权益形成了一种博弈关系。征地补偿存在为公共利益的需要征地与所有非农建设都要征地之间、土地补偿的低偿性与土地价值增值性之间、征地主体地位的强势性与农民利益保护脆弱性之间、征地建设谋发展与让被征地者分享发展成果之间等深层矛盾。完善征地补偿机制必须实行制度创新,从改革地方政府征地绩效评估机制入手,解决征地补偿、就业安置、社会保障等方面存在的突出问题。     

Anti-immigrant parties in Europe: Ideological or protest vote?

Abstract. In this article we address the question whether or not the votes for anti–immigrant parties can be considered as protest votes. We define protest votes by the motives underlying electoral choices, building on earlier research done by Tillie (1995) and Van der Eijk & Franklin (1996). That research showed that ideological proximity and party size are the best predictors of party preference. On this basis we designed a typology of motives for party choice and how these motives would manifest themselves empirically. Analyzing the 1994 elections for the European Parliament for seven political systems we show that anti–immigrant parties attract no more protest votes than other parties do, with only one exception: the Dutch Centrumdemocraten. Voting for anti–immigrant parties is largely motivated by ideological and pragmatic considerations, just like voting for other parties. In addition, (negative) attitudes towards immigrants have a stronger effect on preferences for anti–immigrant parties than on preference for other parties. Social cleavages and attitudes towards European unification are of minor importance as determinants of preferences for anti–immigrant parties. The overall conclusion is that a rational choice model of electoral behavior has strong explanatory power for party preferences in general, but also for the support for anti–immigrant parties in particular.     

Is Political Consulting Going Digital?

Every four years consultants all over the world look at American presidential elections trying to unveil new techniques that can be adopted in their own countries. In 2012 databases and metrics become the cornerstone for a successful campaign and therefore, there is a need for new professionals, and for a new way of approaching the profession. The campaign for the re-election of Obama residential is a turning point not only for political communications but also for political consulting: digital revolution will open doors for a new generation of consultants not only in the United States, but also in Europe and South America.     

浅谈如何作好中小企业的人才激励

21世纪是人才竞争的社会,人才对大企业来说固然重要,对中小企业来说更是生存攸关,企业只有想方设法招才、育才、用才、留才,才有可能在激烈的市场竞争中发展壮大。而人才激励正是人才管理中的关键一环,为了充分激发人才对于企业的贡献度,提升企业经营与管理水平,以中小企业为研究对象,以建立科学的人才激励机制为目的,分析中小企业人才激励方面的特点,有针对性地提出了一些人才激励的具体策略和方法,为中小企业人才管理提供借鉴。     

Testing Rival Decision–Making Theories on Budget Outputs: Theories and Comparative Evidence

This study demonstrates the link between the degree of economic rationality and budgetary decision–making outputs for Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Three empirical models are derived with low, intermediate, and high degrees of economic rationality, namely, "garbage can," incrementalism, and rational choice budgeting, respectively. The methods used are time series analyses on real disaggregated national government budget outputs for the post–World War II period for Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. There was some support found for budgetary incrementalism, and the most consistent support for rational choice budgeting. There was no support for garbage can budgeting.     

我国城市土地出让制度的缺陷分析及其完善

目前我国的城市土地出让制度存在法律法规不健全、四种出让方式均易引发诸多弊端、土地出让过程缺乏有效监管以及出让金制度不完善四大缺陷。反映到具体实践中,则突出表现为城市土地出让过程中的权力寻租、"土地财政"、不公平竞争等一系列问题。必须从健全法律法规体系、完善土地产权制度、规范土地出让行为、改革土地出让金制度、加强土地领域廉政建设等方面,进一步改进和完善城市土地出让制度,使之更加适应城市化发展和经济结构调整的需要。     

Mortality by cause among children younger than age one in Mexico

"This article presents the levels and trends of deaths among children [in Mexico] under the age of one, by groups of causes, for some states, for the years 1979-1985. Identifying the causes of death according to the international classification of diseases, both for deaths among children under the age of one and for total deaths, the goal is to establish a comparison of the levels of general and infant mortality by groups of causes. The data are taken from the statistical yearbooks of the Head Office for Statistics, for the years 1979 to 1985." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

MYTHS ABOUT PUBLIC WELFARE: POVERTY, FAMILY INSTABILITY, AND TEEN ILLEGITIMACY

To rationalize federal cutbacks in spending for public welfare, President Reagan charged that public welfare programs are responsible for leading to a "national tragedy involving family breakdown, teen-age illegitimacy and worsening poverty." Yet analysis of 1980 and 1982 census data for the 50 states suggests that if this is so, it is because of low, not high, spending for public welfare. While low state spending for public welfare is predictive of high teen illegitimacy rates and directly linked to high state poverty and divorce rates, higher state spending for public welfare is predictive of lower teen birth rates, and linked to lower rates of family breakup and poverty. Despite limitations inherent in the analysis, the findings challenge the contention that spending for public welfare contributes to family breakup, teen illegitimacy and poverty.     

Skunks in an English Woodland: Should England Embrace For‐Profit Higher Education?

The British government is encouraging the growth of for‐profit alternative providers of higher education (HE). While it is true that for‐profits have opened HE access to previously under‐served groups and have been more agile in reacting to market demand, they have done so at a considerable cost to students and the taxpayer because they do not share in the cost of the failure of HE to ensure a payoff for many of their students. The US experience with for‐profits should be a cautionary tale for those supporting their expansion in Britain. Policy is needed to craft a regulatory framework that produces the benefits that for‐profits can provide, but minimises the costs that often accompany them. At present, it is far from clear that expanding alternative providers—that is, for‐profits—would ‘work better’ for students.     

Economic growth and alternative deficit-reducing tax increases and expenditure cuts: A cross-sectional study

This paper assesses empirically the relative desirability of alternative deficit-reducing tax increases and expenditure cuts in terms of their individual impact on economic growth, using cross-sectional data for a sample of 21 developed countries for the period 1972–81.Property taxes are by far superior to deficit financing, and are the best choice for implementing deficit-reducing tax increases. Income taxes and domestic taxes on goods and services, which are as bad for growth as are deficits, rank second with no difference between them. Foreign trade taxes are even worse for growth than are deficits, and are the worst choice for reducing deficits.     

Conceptualizing community economic development strategic framework for poverty alleviation: The case of Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality

Economic regeneration is a segment of neighbourhood renewal that boosts community economics and sustains certain principles of sustainable urbanization. The community economic development framework for poverty reduction, the implementation loop for stakeholder collaboration, and the Neo‐Marxist community economic development strategy for local economic freedom are imperative for sustaining and renewing the idealism of shared prosperity, which is the basis of collectivism and community economic development in relation to community development. Because, where there is poor economic vivacity; it is difficult, if not impossible for such community to galvanize towards the realisation of the sustainable development agenda, is tied to economic vivacity of an area. It is on this ground that this paper develops a neighbourhood regeneration model or the community economic development strategic framework for poverty alleviation for the Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality. Data were sorted from Statistics South Africa, ScienceDirect, EBSCOHost, Proquest, and Scopus among others, and the data were cushioned with substantial qualitative analysis. Triangulation, content, and theme analysis were used to analysis the data and propose the models for the paper. It must be noted that an understanding and appreciation of this paper is dependent on the understanding of the earlier papers advanced in this series. Finding demonstrates the suitability and the need for models in empowering those at the rural areas in South Africa.     

Income of new disabled-worker beneficiaries and their families: findings from the New Beneficiary Survey

In 1982, disabled workers who came on the social security disability insurance rolls from mid-1980 to mid-1981 had median monthly incomes of less than $500 if they were unmarried and less than $1,300 if they were married. These median monthly income levels, which include the income of a spouse and minor children if present, are roughly half those of the noninstitutionalized population aged 25-64. Social security benefits are the most important source of income for disabled workers and their families: They account for 40 percent of the total family income of married disabled workers and 65 percent of the total income of unmarried disabled workers. Social security benefits provide at least half of all income for more than 80 percent of unmarried disabled-worker beneficiaries and for 50 percent of the married beneficiaries. For married disabled-worker beneficiaries, earnings of the spouse are the second most important income source. Spousal earnings account for 28 percent of total income. Pensions and asset income each account for about 10 percent of total income for these married beneficiaries. Earnings are not an important source of income for unmarried disabled-worker beneficiaries for whom they amount to only about 3 percent of total income. Pensions, asset income, and public transfers each account for about 10 percent of total income of the unmarried beneficiaries.     

张金吾爱日精庐藏书简析

张金吾在继承家族赵旷阁所藏的基础上,经锲而不舍地收集。建立起了既有珍本汇集又极具实用性的藏书体系,并在“传递读书种子”开明藏书观指导下,开展了借书流布、印书传世、辑丛书嘉惠学林等一系列极具进步意义的藏书利用实践,开一代私人藏书家之新风气。     

出生性别比偏高治理中的公共政策失效原因分析

为了分析我国出生性别比偏高问题治理的公共政策失效的原因,通过国家官方网站和中国期刊网检索了出生性别比偏高问题治理的56项政策文本和43篇政策分析类文献,并基于社会性别公平理念和公共政策系统协调性分析框架,采用内容分析方法对上述政策文本和文献进行了深入分析。结果显示,公共政策系统的不协调是出生性别比偏高问题未能得到有效治理的主要原因,该不协调体现在政策的主体子系统内部、客体子系统内部、主体与客体子系统之间、本政策系统与其他政策之间以及本政策系统与环境之间五个方面。研究结论对于中国出生性别比偏高问题的治理、国家关爱女孩行动的顺利开展等都具有一定的借鉴和指导意义;同时也丰富和发展了政策评估方法。     

The 2016 Referendum,Brexit and the Left Behind: An Aggregate‐level Analysis of the Result

Why did Britain vote for Brexit? What was the relative importance of factors such as education, age, immigration and ethnic diversity? And to what extent did the pattern of public support for Brexit across the country match the pattern of public support in earlier years for eurosceptic parties, notably the UK Independence Party (UKIP)? In this article we draw on aggregate‐level data to conduct an initial exploration of the 2016 referendum vote. First, we find that turnout was generally higher in more pro‐Leave areas. Second, we find that public support for Leave closely mapped past support for UKIP. And third, we find that support for Leave was more polarised along education lines than support for UKIP ever was. The implication of this finding is that support for euroscepticism has both widened and narrowed—it is now more widespread across Britain but it is also more socially distinctive.     

The performance of charter schools in Wisconsin

How have charter schools in Wisconsin performed relative to traditional public schools? Two analyses provide an answer: First, a comparison of achievement test scores for students in Milwaukee charter and traditional schools from 1998 to 2002 for grades 3 through 10 finds a relative advantage for charter school students using fixed effects and first difference specifications. Second, a methodological approach new to the debate over performance in choice schools assesses schoollevel standardized tests in the fourth and eighth grades for 2000–01 and 2001–02. The results for fourth grade are generally favorable for charter schools; those for eighth grade are mixed. Overall, the results from these two analyses suggest that charter schools in Wisconsin are performing somewhat better than the traditional public schools from which they draw students. © 2007 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management     

Examining rival theories of demographic influences on political support: The power of regional, ethnic, and linguistic divisions in Ukraine

Abstract. What effects do regional, linguistic, and ethnic divisions have on support for the government and political system? What is the effect of each when the others are controlled for? Are apparent differences in support across regions simply compositional effects of ethno-linguistic patterns in those regions? This article provides answers to these questions, through the analysis of late 1998 mass survey data from Ukraine. The results indicate that region of residence strongly shapes support for the government and regime. Ethnicity and language, on the other hand, have weaker effects than scholars would expect, once region is controlled for. Thus, regional differences are not simply reflecting ethno-linguistic patterns in Ukraine, as scholars have often implied. These findings shed light on rival theoretical approaches to understanding regional, ethnic and linguistic sources of identity. They also highlight the necessity for scholars who have emphasized ethnic and linguistic cleavages in other countries to consider controlling for region of residence before jumping to conclusions about effects on political attitudes. Finally, the findings have narrower, but important, implications for the study of Ukraine and for its stability.     

‘You Can't Always Get What You Want’: The effects of winning and losing in a referendum on citizens' referendum support

In Western democracies, many citizens support the use of referendums. However, as referendums create satisfying outcomes for citizens with majority views, they could generate ambivalent feelings among voters for the minority option. Little is known about the effects of winning or losing a referendum for citizens' referendum support. This article analyses multiple-wave survey data from five referendums in Bavaria (Germany), Finland and the Netherlands. The findings show that losers' referendum support decreases in nearly all cases, but there is very limited evidence for an increase of winners' referendum support. Nevertheless, the results clearly indicate a winner-loser gap, suggesting that referendums have relatively more positive effects for winners' than for losers' referendum support. As such, this article extends previous findings of the non-stability of referendum support. As the legitimacy of democratic institutions depends upon losers' consent, these findings have important implications for the democratic potential of referendums.