首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
During the past few decades, China's economic success has permitted it to pursue a greater role on the international stage. China is recognized both as a regional and aspiring global power. Nowhere is this more evident than within Southeast Asia, where China's more active diplomacy is reflected in growing trade relations, proposals for stronger security ties, and the signing of numerous cooperative agreements on issues as varied as environmental protection, drug trafficking, and public health. As a whole, the region has received China's activism with both enthusiasm and trepidation. China has expended significant effort to assuage the fears of its neighbors by adopting a foreign policy approach that is active, non-threatening, and generally aligned with the economic and security interests of the region. This positive diplomacy has clearly yielded some success, most notably in the trade realm, where China is rapidly emerging as an engine of regional economic growth and integration that may well challenge Japanese and American dominance in the next three to five years. In the security realm, China's diplomacy, while rhetorically appealing to regional actors, has yet to make significant inroads in a regional security structure dominated by the United States and its bilateral security relationships. Most significantly, however, if China is to emerge as a real leader within Southeast Asia, it will also need to assume more of the social and political burden that leadership entails. As China continues to advance itself as a regional leader, its policies on issues such as health, drugs, the environment and human rights will face additional scrutiny not only for their impact on the region but also for the more profound question they raise concerning the potential of China's moral leadership. For the United States, China's greater presence and activism suggest at the very least that it cannot remain complacent about the status quo that has governed political, economic and security relations for the past few decades. Shared leadership within Southeast Asia will likely include China in the near future, with all the potential benefits and challenges that such leadership will entail.  相似文献   

2.
在10余年的抗日战争期间,东南亚华侨之所以能以空前的规模和热情投入祖国的抗日运动,是与这一时期华侨社会本身所具有的政治、经济、文化、人口结构、社会结构的特点密切相关的。东南亚华侨踊跃捐资输财、归国参战、维护统一战线、抵制日货,为抗战胜利作出了杰出的贡献。  相似文献   

3.
姓名是社会群体身份与文化认同的一个独特而重要的视角,中文姓名的传承和使用是华人对其身份和中华文化认同的表现。东南亚青年华人在一定范围内保留并使用中文姓名,他们在中文姓氏、名字结构、用字情况、重名现象等方面与同时代中国人的情况有所差异;在东南亚各国内部,这四个维度上的表现也是同中有异,其中性别和国籍是两个重要影响指标,其差异的出现与华人住在国的历史、政治、文化和语言环境等有一定关系。  相似文献   

4.
曹云华 《八桂侨刊》2020,(1):3-14,36
东南亚的华文教育体系包括三个组成部分,即公立学校、民办学校、孔子学院,这三个部分互为基础,相互促进。当前东南亚的华文教育热潮一浪高过一浪,全球化和区域经济一体化是促进这一波东南亚华文教育热潮的根本动力,反过来,华文教育热潮又助推全球化和区域化,为“一带一路”倡议在东南亚的实践提供基础和条件,进一步促进中国—东盟之间的民心相通。  相似文献   

5.
杜温 《八桂侨刊》2016,(3):3-10
从福建沿海特别是泉州地区扩展到东南亚的多种网络中,存在着三种网络,其分别是拓展性宗族网络、仪式传承网络和寺庙信任网络。这些信任网络是从可携带性仪式,例如地方神的庙宇香灰、高僧面前主持的集体宗教仪式的方法代代相传。另一方面,缅甸华人通过回祖国参与重修祖祠寺庙对家乡文化的贡献建立信任网络。缅甸华人在不同的历史和政治背景下运用各种仪式手段建立信任网络。这些网络并非简单地以传统形式展示,而是不断地与现代化力量碰撞与融汇,丰富了多元化的内涵,是具有持续性的。  相似文献   

6.
21世纪初云南与东南亚的经济合作   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
贺圣达 《思想战线》2004,30(2):7-10
中国-东盟自由贸易区建设已全面启动,这为云南的发展提供了机遇。云南作为中国面向东南亚的陆路通道、经贸合作前沿和参与次区域合作的主体,将按照云南省委、省政府确定的"服务东盟、服务全国、发展云南"的总体思路,加快以昆明为中心的交通、通讯基础设施建设,促进经济走廊建设和云南城市化进程,使昆明逐步成为次区域内发展高新技术、新兴产业的中心之一。  相似文献   

7.
东南亚华人社会中的德教,是以儒教为核心内容,柔入佛教、道教及其他相关宗教要素形成的宗教体系.在宗教全球化形势下.德教的社会文化作用不仅在海外华人社会中受到重视,而且有向中国内地乃至侨乡地区传播的趋势.其作用范围、混合宗教的本质及社会文化意义都体现出不同的特点.  相似文献   

8.
Biwu Zhang 《当代中国》2015,24(91):176-195
This article systematically examines the perceptual dimension of US–China–ASEAN relations. It specifically focuses on Chinese perceptions of American intentions in Southeast Asia, Chinese perceptions of the impact on China of the US's return to Southeast Asia, and suggestions of the Chinese scholarly community as to how China should respond to the US's return. Chinese scholars believe that the US returns to Southeast Asia for a variety of reasons and one of the most important is to manage the rise of China, and that the US's return has both positive and negative impacts on China's interests and the negative impact outweighs the positive. Overall, Chinese perceptions of the US return, especially Chinese scholars’ suggested response, indicate that Chinese scholars have internalized the strategy of peaceful rise which would give us added confidence that China is seriously committed to this strategy. If both the US and China stick to their relevant commitments, the rise of China, unlike that of most great powers in the past, would quite likely be peaceful.  相似文献   

9.
Along the contemporary migration history of the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, three distinctive images have been constructed through the interaction between the overseas Chinese and Mainland China. First, the image of involuntary migrant, formulated by their migration activity and the continuous remittance they sent back to their hometowns, closely linked to the political and social-economic disturbances in the early years of the twentieth century. Second, the image of the overseas Chinese as political revolutionary was heavily politicised by the revolutionary policies of Mainland China in the 1950s and 1960s. Third, through the operational means of foreign direct investment, the overseas Chinese image of economic energiser was re-focused and mirror-imaged with the imperative of the economic reform of Mainland China in the 1970s and 1980s. On the one hand, the images of involuntary migrant, political revolutionary and economic energiser of the Southeast Asian overseas Chinese describe their situational status. On the other hand, these images also reflect the contemporary historical development of Mainland China.  相似文献   

10.
刘涛 《八桂侨刊》2021,(4):3-11,21
东南亚客家华侨中有唐初开发闽南的陈政、陈元光将卒后裔,可分成来自宁化石壁与非宁化石壁两部分,以吴、沈两姓为代表.闽南文化圈的客家后裔在族群互动中,为适应新环境,在原有客家谱系前添加闽南谱系.来自宁化石壁的华侨比非宁化石壁的华侨在客家认同意识上较为强烈.东南亚华侨的族群认同深受祖地宗族影响,其宁化石壁祖先叙事主要体现在族谱记载、口述史料、聚落命名等三个方面,口述史料内容不易变更,也是重要的祖源参考依据.  相似文献   

11.
东南亚地区反恐问题研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
当前世界许多国家都遭受恐怖活动威胁,东南亚地区是一个恐怖活动高发地区,该地区恐怖活动产生原因复杂。当前恐怖主义具有国际性的特点,某个地区的暴恐活动也会影响其他地区,因此具有一定的研究价值。当今东南亚各国采取了许多应对措施,取得了一些成效,但也面临很多困难,存在一定的问题,如何解决这些问题值得我们深入探讨。本文通过认真分析其问题的现状,试图找出其中根源和解决办法。同时我们也应该从东南亚反恐斗争学习借鉴相关经验,从而提高我们自身反恐水平。  相似文献   

12.
13.
翻译与中华民族文化之建构   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
跨文化语境下的翻译与中华民族文化之建构密切相关.它有助于为本土民族催生一场新的文化--文学运动、支持民族文化建设、促进民族文化身份认同、彰显民族话语和宣传少数民族风情.所以,翻译有理由成为民族学研究的焦点之一.  相似文献   

14.
台湾对东南亚直接投资与“南向政策”   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
20世纪 80年代中期以来 ,台湾对东南亚国家的直接投资迅速发展。近年 ,台湾对东南亚的投资战略以“南向政策”为主导 ,并进行了几次调整。台湾的三次“南向政策”的背景、动因和措施有其相似之处。近期来 ,台湾的第三次“南向政策”似乎有所收获 ,但其前景与第二次“南向政策”一样并不被看好  相似文献   

15.
谢洪忠  张洪 《思想战线》2001,27(5):30-34
云南建设国际大通道的思路一经提出,许多专家、学者从不同角度论述了通道建设的必要性和可行性,从各方面说明了通道建设的意义和作用.实际上,云南建设我国通向东南亚、南亚国际大通道还存在许多制约因素,诸如经济增长对交通运输的需求、产业结构的变化、城市化水平、区域间的经济社会联系以及对外开放程度等.只有在分析清楚这些制约因素,并在具体实施中逐步解决相关的问题,才可能把国际大通道的建设扎扎实实地推向前进.  相似文献   

16.
曾丹 《北京观察》2006,(2):51-51
衣文化是中华文化重要的一环,而衣饰文化作为一种文化现象,无论发展与变迁,从古至今,都具有延续性,统一性及发展性.在当今我国与世界接轨,东西文化迅速交融的时刻,在兼收并蓄世界衣饰文化精华的同时,我们不应在眼花缭乱的西方衣饰迷宫中迷失、沉醉,而数典忘祖;应在多元化的社会生活中,保持优秀的中华特色,使我们的子孙后代了解我们优秀的服饰文化,不让这璀璨的瑰宝成为尘封往事.  相似文献   

17.
中国共产党是中国工人阶级、中国人民和中华民族的先锋队 ,从理论和实践、历史和现实的结合上达到了阶级性、人民性和民族性的高度统一。永葆我们党与时俱进的先锋队性质 ,必须坚定不移地贯彻落实“三个代表”要求 ,坚持党的先进性与党的阶级性、人民性和民族性的统一。  相似文献   

18.
"9.11事件"后,东南亚宗教极端恐怖主义发展较快。在本土极端恐怖活动不断滋生的同时,基地组织和伊斯兰国持续对东南亚进行渗透。当地极端恐怖组织、域外恐怖组织进一步融合,人员、资金、活动交流密切。恐怖活动的组织性增强,危害性进一步加大。虽然东南亚各国政府的反恐怖措施取得了一定成效,但反恐怖斗争还有很多困难,需要多举措努力,才能应对不断变化的恐怖主义威胁。  相似文献   

19.
在五千多年的发展中,中华民族形成了以爱国主义为核心的团结统一、爱好和平、勤劳勇敢、自强不息的伟大民族精神。爱国主义——中华民族精神的核心,团结统一——中华民族的立身之本,爱好和平——中华民族的固有本性,勤劳勇敢——中华民族的传统美德,自强不息——中华民族不懈追求的精神。这五个方面的内涵是一个相辅相成的统一整体,这是对中华民族精神内涵的一个最一般的概括。  相似文献   

20.
粤人下南洋对流入地和流出地的物质文明、精神文明、政治文明、社会文明、生态文明、人种文明建设都产生了巨大的影响。粤人下南洋时我们的现实启迪有:广东要进一步密切与东南亚的友好关系,进一步发挥南洋粤人的积极作用,进一步改善南洋粤人的发展环境。  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号