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在给付行政模式下,我国自然灾害中的行政给付法律制度建设取得了一定成绩。但由于当前灾害给付的立法不完善、实施不顺畅、救济不健全,导致了行政给付机制运行的困境。为建立完备的灾害给付法律制度,应完善灾害给付的法律规范,理顺灾害给付的实施体系,健全灾害给付的救济机制。 相似文献
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给付行政又称服务行政,是指政府给予公民法人利益和便利的行政活动,是相对于规制行政,即通过限制行政相对人的权利、自由以达到行政目的而言的。虽然给付行政作为一法学范畴首创于德国,但是给付行政所包含的内容即政府提供社会福利,设置公共设施,清洁环境,医疗保险等,已经涉及且涵盖于现代大多数国家的行政活动范围之内,成为了当然的事实。 相似文献
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行政给付基本原则研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
《法制与社会》2006,(20)
随着现代政府有限责任和公共服务理念的彰显,社会保障制度的发展和完善,行政给付这一新型行政行为逐渐丰富和被纳入研究视野。然而对其的研究在国内很鲜见,也严重滞后于现实的发展。本文对行政给付的主要形式——社会保障行政与社会保障制度的关系深入论述;在宏观上将行政给付与社会保障制度相关联、相比较,借鉴社会保障制度相对成熟的理论基础探讨行政给付的基本原则:国家辅助性作用原则、公平原则。从社会保障制度、社会保障法与行政法相关联的角度,力图对行政给付的概念和理念、制度构架方式提供有益的思考。 相似文献
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行政法上之信赖保护主要适用于给付行政领域,是行政给付应当遵循的一项基本原则.信赖保护原则主要通过限制授益行政行为的随意改变来保护行政相对人的信赖利益.该原则不仅体现在行政给付的立法与政策的制定过程中,更主要的是作为具体行政行为程序法的基本原则贯穿在行政给付具体行为中的事实认定、法律适用以及给付决定的作出等整个行政给付行为过程中.同时,对信赖利益的实体性保护也是必须的,这主要涉及信赖保护方式的选择. 相似文献
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给付行政以公民的基本权为基础。本文概括了给付行政产生的背景,分析了给付行政与行政给付的区别和联系,从程序设计的角度提出给付行政的特点以及需要遵守的一些原则。 相似文献
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随着公法和私法的融合、福利国家的兴起,给付行政已成为当代行政的重要内容。给付行政的崛起,需要行政主体大量使用新型的行政私法行为。对于行政私法行为这类兼具行政和私法双重性质的行为,单凭公法或者私法一方的力量难以进行良好的制约,而应当综合运用公法、私法予以法律约束,努力打造行政私法行为的"公私合作约束模式",即它们在实体上受公私合作理念影响的法律原则和规则的制约,在程序上遵循行政程序和民事程序相谐调的"行政私法程序",在权利救济上实行由性质主导的私法、公法二元化救济。 相似文献
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Joseph Taubman 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(1):31-50
The aim of this article is to analyze the impact of EU cultural policies on a EUropean (capitalized "EU" meaning only EU member states) cultural identity. Although EUropean integration began as an economic project, the EU has developed more and more statelike features over time and has brought the question of democratization to the fore. Such questions, in turn, led to questions of what constitutes the EUropean demos and how to conceive of its collective identity. The EUropean identity has developed in addition and as a complement to the national identities of the member states. The article argues for EU cultural policies that foster plural, multiple, and dynamic identities instead of a unified EUropean identity. The EUropean cultural policies should not be based on assumed common roots expressed in the cultural heritage of Europe, but rather should focus on contemporary and critical cultural and artistic expressions. 相似文献
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Zhang Hong 《Frontiers of Law in China》2014,(1):50-70
行政自由裁量权概念的发达除客观需要之外,还有人为的因素,为行政扩张服务甚至为了逃避司法审查。然而,行政自由裁量权是一个可以被内化或转化甚至淹没的概念,虽然它是事先确定的一个指引但却是一个错误的指引。国家主权理论的衰微,行政权的弱化,行政种类多样,裁量空间的压缩以及部分裁量被“不确定法律概念”涵摄,行政自由裁量权风光不再。让行政自由裁量权概念在行政法领域尽快消失。以行政法的“裁量性规范”,将行政“裁量性事实”放在行政行为下考量,通过对其目的性、公益性以及合法性进行的判断,使其获得正当性基础。行政诉讼以是否应该作为、是否超越职权、是否滥用职权为司法审查内容,以确认判决、撤销判决、确认无效判决为判决方式,取消现行的变更判决。 相似文献
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Marian Enache 《美中法律评论》2014,(10):1201-1212
Before the adoption of the Constitution, the whole administration was a unidirectional and hyper-centralized State administration, now we see the prospect of delimiting the functional aspect of the administration of the state administration from one of local communities, to transform public administration at all levels in public services constituted in the interest of the population, being in the public interest the establishment of local government autonomy, characterized by the existence of public authorities arising from the will of local communities, to act in order to satisfy their needs, while fulfilling the duties established by law. 相似文献
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In most countries the right to publicly perform music is notadministered individually by the copyright holders but rathercollectively by performing rights organizations (PROs). Thecommon explanation behind the proliferation of collective administrationis that some aspects of copyright administrations are naturalmonopolies. It is often argued that individual administrationis impracticable or at least non-economical. Collective administrationis therefore promoted as the most efficient method for licensing,monitoring and enforcing those rights. In addition, becausethe market is a natural monopoly, regulation, rather than anattempt to foster competition, is thought to be the optimalregulatory response. This is the first in a series of two articlesthat critically analyzes this natural monopoly argument. Inthis article I argue that the case for PROs is not as straightforwardas it is assumed to be. I show that many of the underlying costefficiencies that are attributed to PROs are usually simplyassumed and, in many cases, could be equally achieved underless restrictive arrangements. 相似文献
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This is a second in a series of two articles in which I challengethe collective administration of performing rights. In the firstarticle, published in a recent issue of this journal, I questionedthe natural monopoly paradigm that dominates the analysis ofcollective administration of performing rights. In this articleI demonstrate how, by lowering many of the transaction costswhich previously purported to justify the practice, new digitaltechnologies further undermine the justification for collectiveadministration. I also discuss whether market forces alone wouldtransform the market into a competitive one, consider possiblecontinuing roles for existing performing rights organizations,and compare the Canadian and the U.S. regulatory approachesto determine how conducive they are to such change. 相似文献
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Montgomery W. David; Baron Robert A.; Weisskopf Mary K. 《Journal of Competition Law and Economics》2007,3(3):357-397
The rise in gasoline prices that followed the devastation causedby Hurricanes Rita and Katrina has led to proposals for federal"price gouging" legislation. This paper analyzes the potentialeconomic costs of such proposals in light of the experiencegained from prior episodes of gasoline supply interruptionsand efforts to impose price controls. Studies of previous spikesin the price of gasoline, including those after Katrina andRita, have consistently found that price increases were dueto the normal operation of supply and demand and not price manipulation.Studies of gasoline price controls find that neither consumersnor the economy benefit, because the apparent monetary savingsto consumers are transformed into costs of waiting or otherforms nonmarket rationing that exceed the monetary savings.Price controls also make shortages worse by reducing the incentiveto provide additional supplies. We apply these lessons to estimatethe additional economic cost that would have been incurred hadprice controls like current legislation been in effect afterthe hurricanes, and conclude that economic damages would havebeen increased by $1.5–2.9 billion during the two-monthperiod of price increases. 相似文献
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