欧盟对北非、中东政策的走势

欧盟传统上视北非中东地区为其南部后院和有重大利益关切的地区,对该地区的首要政策目标是确保这一地区的和平与稳定,维护欧盟的安全利益;此外,推广欧洲价值观、确保欧盟能源安全、扩展欧盟经济利益也是其重要政策目标。北非中东变局特别是利比亚危机对欧盟安全、地缘政治环境和能源安全形成的巨大冲击表明,欧盟北非中东政策目标基本落空。针对新的地区形势,欧盟未来的北非中东政策可能更强调加强当地的公民社会建设和民主机制建设,加大力度帮助地区经济社会发展,同时积极推动巴以和谈。     

International democracy promotion and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa

This article offers an overview of the literature on international democracy promotion in relation to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It draws on the criteria of process tracing to evaluate the mechanisms, processes and episodes of democratization associated with international democracy promotion in the region. It finds that the literature lacks a clear account of how international democracy promotion relates to conditions for democratization and could pay greater attention to the role of media in either supporting or counteracting democracy promotion activities which impact democratization processes in the region.     

在京部分专家学者谈“中东北非局势动荡及对我影响”

2011年2月8日,和平与发展研究中心召开“中东北非局势动荡及对我影响”研讨会,邀请在京部分著名专家学者参加。现将他们的主要观点刊登如下,以飨读者。     

Beyond the Arab revolts: conceptualizing civil society in the Middle East and North Africa

How do we make sense of the potential role of civil society in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in bringing the region into a new era of reform and political participation? This article critically examines how the civil society landscape in the region has been conceptualized in the past and proposes a new typology of MENA civil society actors. I employ this typology in two cases – the revolutionary uprising in Egypt in 2011 and “evolutionary” long-term efforts to broaden the space for political participation in Lebanon. Comparing these two very different cases illustrates the utility of a typology of civil society actors (CSAs) that (a) emphasizes temporary coalitions between diverse actors; (b) highlights the both contentious and collaborative struggles through which political change actually happens; and (c) recognizes that different types of CSAs face different constraints and opportunities. I argue that employing such a typology can help structure comparison between disparate cases of civil society efforts for democratization and bring to the forefront issues of authenticity and legitimacy – challenges emanating not only from an oppressive state, but from within civil society itself.     

Decoding Negotiation Systems in the Middle East and North Africa: A Framework for Analysis

Regional conflicts are becoming increasingly complex due to the involvement of an ever more numerous and interconnected set of actors. Previous research has focused on regional conflict systems and has generated theoretical approaches such as the regional security complex paradigm. However, when complex, multifaceted, seemingly contradictory webs of relationships are spun in a region, new tools are needed to analyze and evaluate them. Drawing on previous regional conflict models, we propose a negotiation-oriented framework of regional conflict analysis that explores the type and intensity of relationships between state and nonstate actors in a conflict system. We offer a seven-step scale of relationships (ranging from ally to active armed opponent) that represents a novel contribution to the methodological efforts to analyze relationships in conflict systems. This framework brings to light the relational imbalance of the MENA region and has the potential to contextualize for negotiators and mediators the complex system of conflicts within, and possibly outside, the region.     

A New Regional Cold War in the Middle East and North Africa: Regional Security Complex Theory Revisited

Since the 2003 Iraq war, the Middle East and North Africa has entered into a New Regional Cold War, characterised by two competing logics: on the one hand, the politicisation of sectarianism opposing a Saudi-led Sunni bloc against an Iran-led Shia bloc and, on the other, an intra-Sunni cleavage around the mobilisation of political Islam, embodied by the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters vs its opponents. Blending Buzan and Weaver’s regional security complex theory with Donnelly’s notion of ‘heterarchy’ and applying it to the cold wars the region has experienced, the similarities and differences between the Arab Cold War of the 1950s/60s and the New Regional Cold War reveal the increasing number of heterarchic features within the regional security complex: multiple and heterogeneous power centres, different power rankings, a more visible and relevant role of non-state and transnational actors, and the fragmentation of regional norms.     

中东剧变及其战略影响

当前中东正经历着一场历史性的重大变革。发端于突尼斯的政局动荡迅速席卷整个中东,并使该地区陷入全局性动荡的不安之中。改革成为大势所趋,但未来不确定性大增。中东剧变不仅剧烈改写地区传统地缘政治关系,也对大国的中东政策构成重要挑战。     

美欧博弈中东"民主化"及其影响

美欧在"民主改造"中东的问题上愿景一致,但实际利益有别,导致博弈方略显现分歧,收效不同.尽管如此,双方仍坚持各自计划.由于中东地区形势复杂,各种矛盾交错,局势动荡不安,故美欧博弈将对地区形势造成深刻影响.     

中东剧变与阿拉伯世界的未来

当前中东正经历的历史性剧变,不仅引发阿拉伯世界的集体大动荡,而且严重冲击地区政治、安全和地缘政治关系,也对大国的中东政策构成重大挑战。未来中东局势改革已势在必行;伊斯兰政治力量将增大,阿拉伯世界长期陷入内乱,伊朗、土耳其将谋求发挥更大地区影响力;美国全球战略与中东政策面临多重结构性挑战;欧盟在外交、能源、安全、移民等方面遭遇前所未有的压力;国际原油市场受冲击从而影响全球经济复苏。     

奥巴马政府的战略变革与中东局势发展

奥巴马上台以来,力图从整体上缓和与伊斯兰世界的关系,弥合与伊斯兰世界的分歧,借助埃及、约旦、沙特阿拉伯、土耳其等中东盟友的策应和支持,带动中东和谈取得实质性进展,谋求与伊朗关系的可控发展或战略缓和,稳健完成从伊拉克撤军,并加强在阿富汗的"反恐"行动,最终完成对布什政府时期中东战略的修正与变革,进一步维护美国的战略利益.奥巴马可能在一些方面取得成果、甚至突破,但在阿富汗"反恐",以及中东和谈问题上会面临强大阻力.     

Shaking off the neoliberal shackles: “democratic emergence” and the negotiation of democratic knowledge in the Middle East North Africa context

ABSTRACT

There is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm.     

Theoretical and Methodological Challenges of Studying Refugee Children in the Middle East and North Africa: Young Palestinian, Afghan and Sahrawi Refugees

This article aims to address a number of conceptual and methodologicalchallenges facing the study of young refugees. Much of the researchon refugees has, until recently, been focused on adults, andto a lesser degree, on young children. Those studies that doinclude children are largely carried out in the domain of psychologyand psychiatry and tend to pathologize and individualize. Thisarticle is based on observations derived from a six-year, multi-disciplinaryanthropological and participatory research programme that examinedthe impact of forced migration on young people in the MiddleEast and North Africa: Palestinian refugee youth in Lebanon,Syria, Jordan, the West Bank and Gaza, Sahrawi youth in Algeria,and Afghan youth in Iran. It argues that despite the challenges,an anthropological and participatory approach contributes toa greater, more holistic understanding of refugee youth.     

2004年的中东形势

2004年是伊拉克战争后的第一年,美国继续推动既定的大中东战略,伊战后遗症日益显现,中东进入一个大动荡、大分化和大整合的新时期。地区和平与民主改革已成为中东国家面临的突出挑战。一、伊拉克动乱与重建同步发展美对伊战争已过去20个月,但伊境内的反美武装抵抗和恐怖暴力袭击不但没有减弱,反而在局部地区不断激化,致使伊拉克一直难以摆脱战后乱局的困扰。与此同时,在美国十几万驻军的镇守和国际社会的支持下,伊拉克重建也取得明显进展。一年来,伊拉克呈现出动乱与重建同步发展的态势。一方面,伊战结束以来,伊境内安全局势始终未有明显改…     

2004年的中东欧形势

2004年是中东欧国家①值得记住的一年,首先它是“大选年”,许多国家和地区进行选举或领导人更迭,而巴尔干国家特别是科索沃地区仍有安全隐患。其次它是“增长年”,多数国家经济都有所增长。第三它是“入盟”年,波兰、捷克、匈牙利、斯洛伐克、斯洛文尼亚等首批候选国加入欧盟,标志着这部分国家完成自身的转型历程,实现了自柏林墙倒塌、苏东剧变后又一次重大转变,具有深刻的历史意义。一2004年,中东欧许多国家因选举或政府提前下台而领导人更换频繁,党派斗争激烈并直接导致部分国家政府倒台。塞尔维亚和黑山(简称塞黑)、波黑的国家前景和科索…     

2003年的中东

20 0 3年是冷战后中东局势最为动荡的一年。伊拉克战争、巴以冲突、伊朗核危机、频繁的暴力与恐怖事件以及美国民主改造中东战略所带来的巨大冲击 ,构成了一幅惊心动魄的中东“动荡图”。一、伊拉克陷入战后“乱局” ,重建步履维艰　　 2 0 0 3年 3月 2 0日 ,布什政府经过一年多的政治、军事和外交准备 ,终于发动对伊战争。到 5月 1日布什宣布“美国及其盟国在伊拉克的主要作战行动已经结束”为止 ,这场持续 4 2天的战争 ,实现了美军速战速决的作战方针。但战后伊拉克并未沿着美国所设计的方向发展 ,相反局势较战前更为混乱 ,美军陷入遭受暴…     

America-Europe Contest on Middle East Democratization:Its Implications and Prospects

Despite the "nominal consensus" reached between the United States and the EU on the "Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative" (BMENA) in June 2004, the two sides have not joined their hands to "democratically reform" the Middle East due to their divergent strategic calculations. The United States continued to pursue its "Greater Middle East