共查询到13条相似文献,搜索用时 8 毫秒
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《中国国际问题研究》2019,(6)
正On October 31,a symposium on the 70 years of New China's diplomacy was held in Beijing by CIIS in celebration of the 60th anniversary of its Chinese-language journal International Studies.Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Zheng Zeguang delivered an opening speech and conveyed the congratulatory message from State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi on the CIIS journal's anniversary.Wen Ge,Deputy Director of the Foreign 相似文献
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《中国国际问题研究》2013,(5):F0002-F0002
##正##1.Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi addresses the opening ceremony of the seminar 2.DPRK First Vice Foreign Minister Kim Kye Gwan makes a keynote speech. 3 CIIS President Qu Xing presides over the seminar 相似文献
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Zach Levey 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(3):87-114
From 1956 to 1961, Israel established a presence in Africa that constituted a remarkable diplomatic achievement. When the Gold Coast became Ghana in March 1957, Israel's consulate in Accra became its first embassy in Africa. Israel experienced its first serious setback in Africa in January 1961, when Ghana, Guinea and Mali signed an anti-Israel declaration at the Casablanca conference. This initiative of Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser condemned Israel as 'an instrument in the service of imperialism'. Yet while Israel feared it had lost what it had achieved in sub-Saharan Africa since 1957, the toll was primarily psychological, for the Israelis had, by 1961, achieved their main objective in Africa. 相似文献
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冷战时期,美国为集中力量遏制苏联,力图在亚洲构筑一条由近海岛屿链组成的战略防线。由于印度支那战争法国的惨败,美国为防止在对苏联包围圈上出现漏洞,积极策划东南亚条约组织。由美国拼凑的东南亚条约组织的建立,不仅在亚洲制造新的紧张气氛,而且,在一定程度上对苏联的国家安全造成威胁。为此,苏联迅速采取对策,在对外政策上改变斯大林时期的一些做法的同时,也对美国进行战略反攻。 相似文献
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越南战争时期美国对柬埔寨中立的干涉(1956-1971) 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文重点探讨在20世纪60年代越南战争期间美国如何干涉柬埔寨的独立和中立,直至最后支持朗诺—施里玛达集团推翻西哈努克政权,而西哈努克又如何在国际冷战环境下争取国家的独立和中立的历史过程,由此揭示国际冷战对小国的重大影响,而小国在大国极端对抗中实际上难以置身事外,甚至难以维持独立和中立的地位。 相似文献
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Ralph Dietl 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2006,17(2):347-392
In the history of NATO, lack of Atlantic communality is a recurring theme. Atlantic cohesion was constantly challenged. However, the discord among NATO members rarely threatened the very existence of the Alliance. The late 1950s and early 1960s witnessed such a rare occurrence. In Europe the question of nuclear sharing triggered the development of blue-prints for a step-by-step replacement of the Atlantic security co-operation by a European Security Community. These blueprints were discussed among the EEC member-states and within the forum of the WEU. This study analyses not only those concepts, but also the role of the SACEUR, General Norstad, in defending NATO from external threats and internal decay. By studying the leeway of the SACEUR, this study tries to establish whether the subsystem of the international system, formed by the nations of the North Atlantic area after the Second World War, should be characterised as a system of hegemonic stability or as a pluralistic security community. The article is based on recently declassified archival material from both sides of the Atlantic. 相似文献
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Johannes R. Lombardo 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》1998,9(3):134-153
This article is an examination of Hong Kong's importance within British-American security arrangements in the Far East during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Archival evidence indicates that the Eisenhower Administration accepted a greater deal of commitment to the defence of Hong Kong during the 1950s — a period of significant hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China. To understand this policy evolution in the broader context, this study evaluates the differences in British and American attitudes towards China during the 1950s and the effect of this on US policy towards Hong Kong. 相似文献
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Kendrick Oliver 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2000,11(3):256-259
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-60: Volume III, Microfiche Supplement, National Security Policy; Arms Control and Disarmament, Washington, DC: Department of State, 1998. 相似文献
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Michael Gehler 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》1998,9(3):154-210
The purpose of this paper is to analyze Austria's role in the early days of European integration. This includes the attempt to find a European solution to the South Tyrol problem and the first steps towards the economy's Western orientation, that is, Austria's participation in the Marshall Plan, its OEEC and EPU memberships as well as its relationship with the Council of Europe and the ECSC. International relations determined Austria's room for manoeuvre in its efforts to obtain independence. This excluded EEC membership. The Ballhausplatz was thus striving for a European Free Trade Area. The role of the political parties are also covered in this paper. A further objective is to examine Austria's integration policy and the contrasts between the situation in Austria and West Germany. The paper points out how this small European state tried to avoid its exclusion from the European integration process and how it applied various methods to approach and cooperate with European institutions. 相似文献
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