共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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进入新世纪,世界社会主义运动总体仍处于低潮,但经过苏东剧变洗礼和调整革新,世界社会主义运动开始进入了新的发展时期,出现了一批共产党和左翼政党在选举中获胜的范例。摩尔多瓦共产党人党、塞浦路斯劳动人民进步党、尼泊尔共产党(毛主义)和一批拉美左翼政党纷纷上台执政,在新自由主义横行世界的全球化中开启了“另一个世界”的可能性,为多极世界选择了一种替代资本主义的发展模式。 相似文献
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Jonathan Murphy 《欧亚研究》2006,58(4):523-554
Changes in elite composition during the post-Soviet transition in Russia and Central and Eastern Europe have received significant scholarly attention, but corollary developments in other former ‘Communist’ countries, including Kazakhstan, have attracted much less scrutiny, or have been attributed to organic features of Central Asian society. We examine the trajectory of the Kazakhstan elite in the light of three key perspectives on elite transformation: the first claims that the country has reverted to traditional clan social structures, the second proposes the conquest of power by a nascent ‘acquisition class’, and the third argues that the Soviet-era elite was largely successful in maintaining power during the economic reorganisation. We find that Kazakhstan's experience most closely matches the third explanation. 相似文献
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本文通过对苏联、东欧国家十几年来政党格局和社会政治思潮变化的分析,考察了制度变迁的特点与后果.苏联、东欧国家制度变迁的过程中,政党出现了异乎寻常的剧烈变动,原来执政的共产党纷纷倒台.实行多党制后,政党政治逐渐走向制度化,议会也成为国家政治的中心,基本上进入西方现代资本主义国家的政体范畴,从政治体制上结束了斯大林模式.同时,各国原有的以马克思主义为主导的主流文化丧失,各种潜在的或外来的政治思潮涌现,在制度变迁中起着催化剂的作用.自由主义、民主社会主义和民族主义这三股思潮在苏东国家制度变迁和变迁后的十几年中,不同程度地左右着政局和社会的变化.由此给我们的启示是,执政党要充分认识社会政治思潮的重要作用,在社会主义建设实践中要不断总结经验,不断进行理论创新. 相似文献
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李宏 《当代世界社会主义问题》2010,(1):82-91
就总的特征而言,欧盟政治是两级政治,欧盟的方方面面都打下了这一特征的烙印,政党自然也不例外.欧盟的政党体系是由两个层次构成的,一个是民族国家层次,另一个是欧盟层次,即超国家层次.从政党的架构来看,欧盟层次的政党已经与民族国家政党相类似,但是,就政党的地位与功能而言,欧盟层次的政党却难以发挥类似政党在民族国家中的那种核心作用.我们可以把欧盟各成员国的政治称之为政党政治,但却不能把这一称谓加之于欧盟政治.本文的主要目的是在比较欧盟两级政党架构和功能的基础上,探寻限制欧盟层面政党作用的各种因素,并对其未来的走势进行分析. 相似文献
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Using pooled data from four separate nationwide surveys of local election candidates conducted from 2006–09 the paper assesses the role and importance of parties in the recruitment and selection of candidates. In many respects candidates are similar to councillors with men outnumbering women in a two to one ratio, with very few non-white candidates coming forward for selection and an age bias towards older rather than younger people. Candidates are found generally to have higher educational qualifications and to be employed in professional and managerial populations than in the public at large. Although a majority of candidates are resident in the ward that they contest a large fraction live elsewhere, suggesting that local parties cast the net widely during the recruitment process. The data suggest that the recruitment networks used by parties are relatively closed with many candidates reporting prior experience as local party officer holders or as members of charitable organisations and local public bodies. For two-thirds of candidates the initial decision to stand follows from a request by someone else, often a fellow party member. Women are more likely to be asked than men. Although candidates are aware of the current under-representation of some social and ethnic groups they are generally against using affirmative action measures to redress any imbalance. Although local parties are sometimes seen as contributing towards the problem of under-representation of some groups on council benches the data suggest than an increase in independent candidates would be unlikely to improve the situation and could perhaps cause it to deteriorate still further. 相似文献
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Lance Elliot Brouthers 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(3):289-314
Some scholars view problems in the accuracy of federal fiscal forecasts as being largely technical in nature .Others intimate that there may be a political component as well. This paper exlpores the relative merits of these two perspectives finding some support for each. Executive forecasts were found to be random with respect to direction of errors , error magnitudes increased in absolute terms over time , and revenues estimate error s tended to cluster in short bursts. Executive forecasting errors were also linked to presidential party , ideology and year in the election cycle. 相似文献
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Aleks Szczerbiak 《欧亚研究》1999,51(8):1401-1432
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Radoslaw Zubek 《Communist and Post》2008,41(2):147-161
A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control. 相似文献
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美国宪法没有明确规定政党的地位和作用,但政党在.美国政治生活中发挥了重要作用。美国民主、共和两党长期以来轮流执政,控制着各级政府和立法机构大权,在制定国家和社会政策时具有重要影响。 相似文献
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政党与民间组织的关系,是现代政党与社会关系的重要研究课题。改革开放以来,伴随中国社会利益多元化发展,民间组织数量持续快速增长,在经济、政治、文化、社会“四位一体”建设中体现出日益重要的功能优势,引起党与政府对民间组织相关工作的高度重视。当今,如何创建民间组织可持续发展的有益环境,推进党群关系和谐化, 相似文献
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《Communist and Post》2006,39(1):39-57
Elite formation in state socialism is a key issue in both comparative mobility research and political sociology. Several perspectives have been proposed to explain the relative role of political loyalty and education in political mobility: a dual career path model, a party-sponsored mobility hypothesis, and a technocracy thesis. I propose an alternative approach, emphasizing the role of functional differentiation and its effect on elite recruitment in China. Using a data set on top Chinese leaders (n = 1588), I find that effects of political loyalty and technical training on elite recruitment are patterned by institutional arrangements. Data analysis supports my explanation of elite selection in China. 相似文献