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In countries undergoing economic transition, economic factors have caused discord between central and regional authorities. This paper explores the causes and consequences of fiscal conflicts between the federal and regional governments and discusses what elements in an optimal fiscal management would best preserve federal integrity. It provides a plausible game-theoretic representation of the power struggle between the center and regional governments in the Russian Federation. This representation describes the rules and political environment that served as a background for the budgetary wars of 1992 to 1994, the objectives of both the regional and federal players, and a history of game play during the transitional period.  相似文献   

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This article traces the evolution of center-periphery relations between the Russian federal government and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) using an institutional framework. During each of three stages the author identifies a distinct set of institutional parameters that, to varying degrees, determined the powers of federal and regional institutions. Each stage is also identified with a unique central institutional conflict that helped shape the rules of the political games played during that period. From this perspective, institutional change is seen as a major determinant of Russian center-periphery relations. The article concludes that Sakha has had remarkable success in extracting budgetary concessions from the federal government. However, Sakha has been unable to force the federal government to implement all the promises it has made.

Nonetheless, the concessions that Sakha and others have received are significant, and prompt the conclusion that Russia has become a federal state. However, Russia is far from an equal federation.  相似文献   

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Conclusion Brazil’s minicomputer industry has become dependent on government import policy, government financing and domestic private business. The growth in the domestic component of this industry between 1974 and 1981 suggests that incremental government policies (short of a transformation to socialism) can alter Brazil’s level of dependency on MNCs, concerning at least one industry–the minicomputer industry. Therefore, the Brazilian minicomputer model advances the dependency question from “what is dependency and why does it exist?” to “how can one improve its position in a dependency situation?” Relative success in the minicomputer industry cannot be construed as victory over Brazil’s dependency on MNCs, which may alter its economic and political relationship with other countries. Instead, it illustrates a viable model for improving a developing country’s dependency situation. This infant industry strategy is given more credence due to the rekindling of protectionism by all nations. A definitive evaluation of Brazil’s minicomputer policies cannot be rendered until this industry has progressed in its growth cycle. As indicated earlier, signs of both success and failure are evident. In addition, several events may restrict growth in Brazilian minicomputer firms: (1) restriction of funds due to the enormous foreign debt, (2) corrupt or inappropriate management, (3) unsuccessful transfer of technology, or (4) intrusion of smaller and less expensive microcomputers into uses now served by minicomputers. Thus, how effectively Brazil can get out of its overall dependency trap will depend not only on how well it can apply the minicomputer industry model to other industries, of course, given that the model does succeed in the long–run. But it will also depend on how well Brazil can deal with the problems listed above. 0259 0255 V 2  相似文献   

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The article examines some generic traits of the “new” Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN’s grassroots activism, as well as sports and healthy recreational activities, attracts young people. The organization tackles the most acute social problems, often neglected by everyone else, and has become a working civil society institution. The authors argue that these tactics win the “new” nationalists sympathy among ordinary people and makes the groups politically stronger and more influential than the previous nationalist generation. However, state anti-extremist policy hampers the advancement of nationalists into mainstream politics.  相似文献   

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Russia’s recent intent to use gas supplies to influence the former Soviet Union Republics, and now New Independent States (NIS), has mirrored that of the Soviet’s handling of hydrocarbon supplies to the Eastern bloc, or the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). This paper explores the historical and unique conditions in making a comparison of energy trading patterns in the 1970s and 2000s. In the end, by comparing ’then’ and ’now’, we see a pattern of negative repercussions when the energy card is employed. This study employs a within case study cross-temporal comparative framework and asks: why would Russia transfer a failed policy of subsidies onto its newly independent states?  相似文献   

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Survey data show managerial motivations and behaviors are statistically linked to numerous aspects of computer use in public agencies. Motivations to enhance service quality and work environments seem to be particularly influential in using technology to enhance productivity. Empirical research in public administration should be attentive to individuals’ perceptions regarding the impacts of computers. Normative deliberation, however, is needed to determine the appropriate role of managers.  相似文献   

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Abstract

The radical environmental movement, Earth First, was founded in 1980 by David Foreman, a Washington environmental lobbyist. Adopting as their slogan “No compromise in the defense of Mother Earth,” the movement progressed through the early formative stages usually associated with protest groups: letter‐writing campaigns, staged protests, sit‐ins, antiestablishment skits, and so forth. But over the past several years, Earth First has turned to violence, sabotage, and terrorism against land developers and the lumber, oil, and electricity industries.

Their well‐educated, white, middle‐class members have more recently focused their attention on planning serious attacks on nuclear facilities and associated electric systems. In 1986 they were responsible for a successful attack on the Palo Verdes nuclear facility's transmission lines. In June 1989, three members were arrested for attempting to cut down power lines in Arizona as part of a plan to disrupt operations at the Diablo Canyon nuclear generating plant. The overall radical environmentalist movement and its sabotage efforts appear to be spreading. On April 29, 1990, eco‐terrorists claimed responsibility for a serious sabotage incident in Palo Alto, California, and on the same day power lines were sabotaged in Fairfax County, Virginia, by unknown perpetrators.

It is clear that in the United States a national ecoterrorist network exists whose main purpose is to commit illegal acts in defense of the environment. These ecoter‐rorists appear to be gaining strength as well as the capability to increase their activities around the country. The radical environmentalist movement has the potential to become the country's major domestic terrorism problem.  相似文献   

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After the collapse of the Soviet Union 25 million ethnic Russians were left living outside Russia. This article reports on research exploring acculturation strategies of ethnic Russian adolescents in Latvia: looking at the most and least preferred strategy, interrelatedness between choice of acculturation strategies and a person's gender or citizenship, as well as the impact of Latvian language knowledge and perceived discrimination on the choice of acculturation strategies. A total of 459 adolescents from secondary schools with Russian as the language of instruction in Riga participated in the study. The article draws on John Berry's two-dimensional acculturation model, based on four different acculturation strategies for ethnic minority and immigrant adaptation in the host society.  相似文献   

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