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Children are particularly vulnerable to the effects of natural disasters. This article aims to gain a deeper understanding of the specific effects of natural disasters on children and how they could better be involved in the disaster risk reduction (DRR) process. The article begins with a review of the literature published on the Child-led Disaster Risk Reduction (CLDRR) approach and describes the key issues. Then it identifies the effects of floods on children in Bangladesh and analyses the traditional coping mechanisms developed by communities, highlighting where they could be improved. Finally, it analyses how DRR stakeholders involve children in the DRR process and identifies the opportunities and gaps for the mainstreaming of a CLDRR approach in Bangladesh. This should contribute to a better understanding of how key DRR stakeholders can protect children during natural disasters. Encouraging the building of long-term, child-sensitive DRR strategies is an essential part of this process.  相似文献   

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The growing toward decentralization and democratization of development planning in Venezuela was discussed. Venezuela has a long tradition of rule by a strong centralized authority. Currently, the Office of the President is vested with considerable power, despite the existence of an elected legislator and an independent judiciary. The president rules by decree. State legislatures are elected, but governors of the states are appointed by the president. There are also elected municipal councils. Both state and municipal governments are almost fully dependent on the federal government for both their operating and capital investment budgets. Development programs are administered through 2 systems. Specific programs are administered by almost 100 different institutes and enterprises. The activities of these various programs are coordinated by administrative bodies at the state and federal level. The 2nd administrative system operates at the regional and federal levels. The administrative body at the federal level is the Central Office for Coordination and Planning and was established by Presidential Decree in 1958. This body prepares and coordinates all national development plans. The administrative bodies at the regional level are the Regional Organizations for Development. These bodies were created in specific regions through a series of legislative acts commencing in 1969 and continuing into the present. The development of these regional bodies represented a 1st step toward decentralization. Decree 478, promulgated in 1980, further promoted the decentalization of developmental planning. The decree established a series of assemblies and councils at various levels. A National Council of Regional Development was created at the federal level, and a Regional Council of Development was established at the regional level. At the state level an Assembly of Participation was organized, and at the municipal level a Committee of Citizen Participation was established. Neighborhood associations were mentioned in the decree, but their role was not formalized. This series of newly established bodies plays a role in both advisory and administrative processes. The advisory process begins at the lowest level, and local concerns are expressed upward through the hierarchy. The administrative process flows in the opposite direction. Participation remains highly formalized and is restricted to the participation of recognized leaders and organizations. For example, members of the Assembly of Participation include the state governor, representatives of municipal councils, and representatives of various industrial and commercial organizations. Despite the formal nature of the participation, the 1980 Decree clearly exhibited the trend toward decentralization predicted by John Freeman in his analysis of Venezuelan political structure and published in a book entitled "venezuela: From doctrine to Dialogue." Increased pressure will now be exerted for broader community participation in the development process, and eventually development planning will focus on the equitable distribution of development benefits rather than on the maximization of economic growth.  相似文献   

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The focus of this case study was on citizen participation in solid waste policymaking in Spokane, Washington. It was predicated on the idea that there is a need for government to develop more workable and meaningful approaches to facilitating citizen participation in public policymaking. The formulation and implementation of solid waste management policy in Spokane proved to be a technological and democratic trial for the community. The research used three models of citizen participant styles - coopted, prudent, and confrontive - as it examined the views of citizen group leaders, city and county administrative staff, and elected officials involved in this policy dispute with regard to: 1) the purposes of citizen participation, 2) the desirability of citizen participation, 3 ) the impacts of citizen participation, 4) the most effective approaches for citizen participation, and 5) the levels of satisfaction associated with various approaches to citizen participation.  相似文献   

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In attempts to describe post-communist politics adequately, this paper employs the concept of delegative democracy for analyzing Russia's local politics. It argues that the election rather than appointment by the President of local governors in Russia has facilitated the establishment of a system which can be generally described as delegative democracy. This regime inherits free and contested elections from the democratic system and non-democratic methods of power consolidation from the authoritarian system. As a mixture of those two hardly reconcilable types of political system, delegative democracy in Russia has gained a shape and reached a certain degree of stability during 1993–95. This gain may delay the consolidation of representative democracy in Russia for an indefinite time and eventually lead to a new level of economic stagnation and a return to authoritarianism.  相似文献   

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This study investigates the determinants of FDI inflows in six Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) by incorporating the traditional factors and institutional variables over the 1996–2009 period. The study identifies whether and how these determinant factors differ across four investor countries (EU-15, the US, China, and Japan). The results verify the positive and economically significant role of GDP size, trade openness, EU membership, and institutions (measured by economic freedoms, state fragility, political rights, and civil liberties indices) on FDI inflows. The results also reveal the existence of notable differences in the determinant factors across four investor countries.  相似文献   

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Two alternative perspectives—state-centered and class-centered—on state actions 01 are considered. The explanatory power of each of these perspectives is examined by analyzing the behavior of three major political actors in the Iranian oil disputes—the Iranian, the British, and the U.S. governments—using the existing historical evidence. The article supports a class-centered explanation by demonstrating the significance of the International Petroleum Cartel in determining U.S. and British policy towards Iran in this period and the failure of the Iranian bourgeoisie to continue their support of Mosaddeq in the face of economic difficulties resulting from the nationalization of the oil industry. Partial support for a state-centered explanation is also noted. For future research, the utility of considering the state and class as interdependent actors with the specification that the nature of this interdependence is asymmetrical is suggested.  相似文献   

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The transition ‘from planned to market economy’ in the former Soviet Union and in several countries in post-communist Europe is one of the most sweeping social transformations of the second half of the 20th century. It is widely accepted that this transformation was driven by a shared belief in the market's superior ability to deliver economic growth, to create wealth and contribute to the well-being of the populations after the demise of the defunct socialist ideology. However, the element of utopian fantasy undergirding the grand projects of socialism and the market is usually ignored, often with detrimental results. The study draws on Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalysis to propose an alternative reading of the process of transition, as an exchange of one powerful fantasy for another. My key contention is that as long as the common utopian dream of social harmony underlying both projects will not be recognised for what it is, which is in itself an unattainable desire of the human psyche, the illusory dreamlands will continue to exist and so will their violent political consequences. The study uses the example of public health policy development in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia to illustrate how unacknowledged fantasy leads to violent utilitarianism as it was manifested in socialism, and is now repeated differently but no less tyrannically in the market. In conclusion, I argue for integrating fantasy as a constitutive element of political projects and explore the possibility of the autonomous (self-determined) mode of governance that Cornelius Castoriadis (1987/2005) theorised on and juxtaposed to the heteronomous ways of organising ruled by master signifiers present in various ideologies.  相似文献   

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