Intermediation environments and election in Hong Kong

The new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) held its first election in 1998. Based on data from a post‐election survey, this article charts the pattern of intermediation environments and their impact on electoral participation. An intermediation environment is a network of communicating information or points of view. This study focuses on the environments of primary social networks, secondary associations and the mass media. They are found to be influential in the diffusion of political knowledge and in mobilizing electoral participation. However, the majority of Hong Kong citizens are unembedded in these environments, thereby carrying negative implications for the democratic transition in Hong Kong.     

Democratization and decline of trust in public institutions in Hong Kong

The article examines the considerable literature on the relationship between sustainable development and democracy beginning with an exploration of the concepts. Various models have been put forward to describe this relationship and these can be viewed as various pathologies of development that may trap the unwary. Participation and empowerment are seen as a key to sustainable development by many authors, although there are widely differing interpretations of what this should mean. The search for people's empowerment has centred on moves towards decentralization and the strengthening of civil society. Decentralization has proved extremely difficult to implement in practice and having civil society act as a balancing mechanism to the power of the political elite has often proved to be no less illusory. Political participation is no guarantee of sustainable development as local and national elites will inevitably try to hijack the process. Whilst there is no strict correlation between democracy and sustainable development some items in the democratic package are capable of being prioritized and can help build sustainable development, in particular transparency in the management of resources, protecting human rights and encouraging social participation.     

Between Liberal Autocracy and Democracy: Democratic Legitimacy in Hong Kong

The partial democracy in Hong Kong is an experiment with limited suffrage in a liberal, self-governing society. This article examines the impact of system dissatisfaction and fundamental cultural values on democratic legitimacy, using logistic regression analyses of data drawn from an electoral survey in 2000. It is found that widespread public dissatisfaction with the economic downturn has not been generalized to the abstract, structural level of regime legitimacy. Equally widespread discontent with the political situation matters; but it has strengthened public support for democracy, rather than weakened it. Finally, democratic legitimacy is grounded in liberal, post-material and individualist-competitive values. In recognition of the plausible durability of these fundamental cultural norms and in view of the relative lack of support for non-democratic alternatives and strong support for partial electoral reform, we conclude that Hong Kong is very likely to remain on track toward a fuller democracy by incremental steps.     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (I): Debating democracy

Hong Kong returns to Chinese sovereignty on 1 July 1997 and Portugal terminates its administration of Macao, handing over to China, on 20 December 1999.’ The unprecedented circumstances when two European colonies are decolonized, not into independence but the embrace of the last effective communist state in the world, have raised considerable anxieties about the future of democracy there and the rights and freedoms of their inhabitants. Unlike other colonies, the acquisition and administration of Hong Kong or Macao was accomplished without any significant coercion of the local population. In recent years both have enjoyed a high degree of personal liberties, while also achieving high levels of economic development. However, neither has experienced any measure of democracy defined in terms of representation of the people in government or the accountability of the state apparatus. Consequently an examination and explanation of the extent of democracy that will be established there after their reversion to China should help illuminate the debate about the relevance of democracy to rights and freedoms and to economic development.     

东南亚华商在香港的经济活动分析

香港一直是东南亚华商投资与从事商贸活动的中心,也是东南亚与中国大陆进行经贸联系的中介,1980年代以来,香港更成为东南亚华人企业投资中国的桥梁。二战后,东南亚华商在香港的投资额越来越大,东南亚华人资本已成为香港经济的重要组成部分。尽管东南亚金融危机对东南亚华商在港企业造成了大冲击,但是大多数华人在港企业还是克服困难,度过了难关。     

An Unwelcome Presence:U.S. Interference in Hong Kong Since 2007

正In 1982, China and Great Britain started negotiating thehandover of Hong Kong. As a bystander nation, the UnitedStates had taken a low-key attitude, only showing its interestin maintaining Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. However,since President George H. W. Bush assumed power in 1989,     

The emergence of regional economies in China and its implications,with special reference to Hong Kong and Guangdong

  China's continental physical expanse has been a dominant, shaping influence of its political, social and economic development throughout its modern history. Thanks to its relative ethnic homogeneity, as well as the absence of political reform, it has – unlike the former Soviet Union – preserved its unity as a state. Nevertheless, regionalism remains a powerful counterpoint to centralisation in China. In particular, under the impact of post-1978 economic reforms, differentials and tensions between provinces and regions have emerged as a potent force, threatening the authority and power of Beijing. This article begins by seeking to explore some of the regional forms in which economic change has manifested itself during the last two decades. It highlights the unique problems faced by an economy that is still in transition in a country as large as China. Brief consideration is also given to the wider regional context in which China is sometimes placed as the central player – namely, that of `Greater China'. At the heart of the article is a case study that examines the evolution of a particular kind of regionalism, captured in the economic integration – even symbiosis - between Hong Kong and Guangdong. The question is addressed whether the form of regionalism contained within the forging of an ever-closer economic relationship between these two areas of South China can be a model for the integration of other regions both within and across China's national boundaries. Hong Kong's transformation from a tiny, dependent, colonial enclave into one of the most successful economies in the world is one of the most remarkable stories of post-World War II economic history. During the 1960s and 1970s, Hong Kong's growth record was unmatched anywhere else in the world. But by the beginning of the 1980s, high land rents and spiralling wages started to erode the international competitiveness that had been the basis of Hong Kong's previous economic success. By a happy coincidence, however, the emergence of such pressures coincided with the opening of China to the outside world. China's `open door' policy thereby made available to Hong Kong entrepreneurs a huge, hitherto untapped reservoir of cheap labour and gave them access to inexpensive factory sites just across the border in Guangdong. It was a lifeline to which they responded eagerly and, through the relocation of their factories, provided the means whereby Hong Kong manufacturers discovered a new lease of life. The benefits associated with this process accrued not only to Hong Kong through the regeneration of its manufacturing industry. Rather, it was a two-way process that also facilitated economic growth, structural transformation and improvements in living standards in Guangdong (above all, in the Pearl River Delta). In short, the process became the basis of deepening integration between the economies of the two regions. Indeed, it was the key element in the emergence of a new regional economic grouping, known as `Greater China' – an informal triangular partnership between Hong Kong, Taiwan and two southern Chinese provinces (Guangdong and Fujian). The emergence of `Greater China' can be regarded as a particular manifestation of the coastal bias that has so strongly characterised China's economic trajectory under reform. To this day, the triangular economic nexus between Hong Kong, Taiwan and South China remains an important dimension of China's external economic relations, even if developments in other coastal provinces have caused it to weaken. To what extent recent and future developments have challenged and will continue to challenge the regionalism inherent in the original notion of Greater China is something that deserves close attention. Not least, the strategic initiative of opening up China's western regions poses interesting and important questions that touch on future developments of `trans-nationalism' and `trans-regionalism' affecting China.     

19世纪东北亚国际关系刍议

19世纪是东北亚国际关系的形成时期,该世纪下半叶,中、日、俄三国间的传统关系发生巨变,朝鲜成为列强争夺的焦点并首次提出三八线问题。由于欧美列强的强行介入,延续了几个世纪的华夷朝贡体系终结,东北亚国际关系由两国间的双边关系演变为多国互动和相互制衡,典型的近代国际关系形成。     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (II): Exploring the new political order

The first part of the article focused on democratization and the main issues at stake between China, Britain, Portugal, Hong Kong and Macao as the responsibility for the two colonies reverts to the mainland. It was argued that their separate history and their respective metropolitan traditions will weigh heavily on the prospects for any phased transition to democracy. Of more immediate importance, however, is the current balance of forces within the region which affects them both, particularly their relationships with a China undergoing vast social and economic changes with profound implications for their own future political development. In this second part of the article there is more concern with current and future problems affecting the practice of democracy in Hong Kong and Macao, particularly the ways in which the new Basic Laws might operate in practice after 1997.     

行政区域的变迁对港澳民俗发展的历史影响

一、行政区域对区域民俗形成的影响民俗 ,指一个国家或民族在自己的历史发展过程中逐渐形成、反复出现 ,并代代相习的生活文化事象。民俗随着人类社会的产生而发展 ,但不是凭空产生的 ,而是受到经济、政治、宗教、心理、地域、语言等因素的影响。每一种民俗的形成、发展和演变 ,都与自然地理环境和人文环境有着十分密切的关系 ,受着人文因素和社会因素的综合影响。而我国地域辽阔 ,各个地方的人文环境和自然环境千差万别 ,这就形成了各地区、各民族特有的有别于其他地方的民俗特点 ,形成了民俗文化的地域差异。正所谓“十里不同风 ,百里不同…     

粤港合作提升两地产业组织竞争力

中国内地改革开放以来 ,广东与香港的产业合作取得了举世瞩目的成就。但自1997年以来 ,香港与广东两地所处的经济环境都出现了新的变化 ,粤港两地产业合作需要作出新的调整和安排 ,把重心放在着力提高两地产业组织的竞争力上来。本文的研究是在通过比较两地的产业组织结构的基础上 ,重点分析粤港合作在提高两地产业组织竞争力的作用。     

The EU-China CAI—perspectives from the European business community in China

Asia Europe Journal - The European Union Chamber of Commerce in China recognises the challenges in progressing the CAI, but remains convinced that the investment agreement is worthwhile and in the...