Red Star Ascending,Flagging Union Jack: Soviet Views on the Handover of Hong Kong

On 22 September 1982, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher met the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, where they discussed the future of Hong Kong. The meeting did not go well. Deng made it clear that, with or without British cooperation, China would resume full sovereignty and administration over the tiny colony when the lease on Hong Kong expired on 30 June 1997. This article is based on two recently released documents from the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive (AVP RF) and reveals the hitherto unknown Soviet attitude toward these talks and the handover itself. Soviet leaders were very concerned that the Chinese should not consider Soviet control over vast territories in the Far East as based on unequal, hence illegitimate, nineteenth century treaties, as they did British control over Hong Kong. If those Russian treaties were unequal, then Soviet rule would be in grave danger. The Soviets sought to distinguish their treaties from the British ones. Seeking normal relations, the Chinese agreed not to challenge this interpretation.     

Red Star Ascending, Flagging Union Jack: Soviet Views on the Handover of Hong Kong

On 22 September 1982, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher met the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, where they discussed the future of Hong Kong. The meeting did not go well. Deng made it clear that, with or without British cooperation, China would resume full sovereignty and administration over the tiny colony when the lease on Hong Kong expired on 30 June 1997. This article is based on two recently released documents from the Russian Foreign Ministry Archive (AVP RF) and reveals the hitherto unknown Soviet attitude toward these talks and the handover itself. Soviet leaders were very concerned that the Chinese should not consider Soviet control over vast territories in the Far East as based on unequal, hence illegitimate, nineteenth century treaties, as they did British control over Hong Kong. If those Russian treaties were unequal, then Soviet rule would be in grave danger. The Soviets sought to distinguish their treaties from the British ones. Seeking normal relations, the Chinese agreed not to challenge this interpretation.     

Hong Kong: country profile

In the 1840s, the small fishing community that is now Hong Kong became a British colony and an important naval base for the Opium Wars. Now it is a leading capitalist center operating on mainland communist China. Hong Kong is scheduled to go back to China in 1997. In the agreement signed between the British government and China, Hong Kong's present lifestyle is guaranteed for at least 50 years. Textbook colonialism rules here. Foreigners hold the key jobs and earn much more than do the indigenous people. They even receive subsidized housing in this very high rent colony. As for the Hong Kong Chinese, overcrowding into 2 room apartments is the norm even though the government tries to provide more housing units. The large skyscrapers in the New Territories breed their unique social and mental health problems, such as poverty, drug abuse and frustration. Essentially all food is imported from communist China, yet agriculture in Hong Kong does exist--pig farms, duck lakes, and fields of the popular vegetable choi sum. Major industry comprise textiles and sweat shops which pay their workers (mostly illegal immigrants and children with no legal protection) wages that are 1/4 of those paid in Great Britain. Financial services, trade, and tourism may soon dominate Hong Kong's economy. Almost 4 million tourists visit Hong Kong yearly, often looking for bargains. Despite Hong Kong's active Western-like business climate, Chinese culture still abounds. Traditional incense burns in Buddhist temples. Snake soup is served in restaurants. Plus traditional medicine practiced alongside Western medicine contributes to Hong Kong having 1 of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world (9/1000) and to its high life expectancy of 76 years.     

Keeping a Foot in the Door: Britain's China Policy, 1945-50

Based on Britain and China 1945-1950 (DBPO, 2002), this article examines four major themes in Britain's China policy between 1945 and 1950: British attitudes towards Chinese communism and China's civil war, Anglo-American relations over China, attempts to restore and sustain British commerce in China, and the future of Hong Kong. The central feature of policy was to 'keep a foot in the door', even under a communist government, to protect British interests. Only modest success was achieved. British officials were divided over the issue of Chinese communism and Britain miscalculated the timescale in the ending of the civil war. The US administration proved largely uncooperative over China, and British commerce was eventually squeezed out. Hong Kong survived as a British colony. Amidst the considerable thought given to the future of Hong Kong, and to Britain's ability to defend it, intelligence reported that the communists had no plans to seize the colony.     

Asian Experiences

A personal view of East Asia, focusing on China, this article examines the efforts of Chinese and British officials in Hong Kong during the mid-1980s to develop practical and durable local solutions, since the survival of a vigorous Hong Kong was a mutual interest. Japan was a very different challenge and a hugely enjoyable posting. There was an ever wider and stronger bilateral agenda. Japan's recovery from recession was slow but demonstrated impressive inherent capability.     

Asian Experiences

A personal view of East Asia, focusing on China, this article examines the efforts of Chinese and British officials in Hong Kong during the mid-1980s to develop practical and durable local solutions, since the survival of a vigorous Hong Kong was a mutual interest. Japan was a very different challenge and a hugely enjoyable posting. There was an ever wider and stronger bilateral agenda. Japan's recovery from recession was slow but demonstrated impressive inherent capability.     

从“猪仔问题”报道看《香港船头货价纸》的编辑方针与定位

《香港船头货价纸》是中国最早的中文日报《香港中外新报》的前身,在中国近代报业发展史上占有特殊的地位。本论文的主旨为:(1)通过该报(包括日文版的《官版香港新闻》)对“猪仔问题”的报道与评论,考察该报的编辑方针与定位;(2)进一步确认其作为英殖民地香港英文报纸《剌西报》的子报,尽管该报的编者为华人,并自我标榜“有益于唐人”,但仍然不能“自我操权”,不能列入华人自我办报的范畴。     

迪拜与香港现代化比较

迪拜与香港均是世界著名的贸易、金融、旅游和物流中心,二者在战略地理位置、近现代史和发展现代化的历程等层面有很多相似之处。迪拜和香港的现代化进程都受到英国殖民统治的影响;凭借优越的地理位置,它们都从一个小渔村发展成世界著名的港口;移民为它们的经济建设做出了巨大贡献;转口贸易都曾是其经济结构中最重要的构成部分;目前服务业都是其经济构成中占比最高的部门。在发展现代化的道路上,二者都有值得相互借鉴的经验和教训。     

网络·社会资本·投资:对东南亚华商投资中国大陆特点的分析

本文试图通过社会资本理论来论述东南亚华商投资中国大陆的特点。为了更好的利用关系、网络等社会资本,实现投资利润最大化,东南亚华商早于西方资本对中国大陆特别是侨乡地区进行投资。为了更好地发挥社会资本优势,许多东南亚华商首先对香港进行投资,进而以香港为基地对中国大陆投资。东南亚华商成功地利用社会资本优势以较少的资金成本实现了跨国经营,同时也促进了中国社会经济的发展。     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (II): Exploring the new political order

The first part of the article focused on democratization and the main issues at stake between China, Britain, Portugal, Hong Kong and Macao as the responsibility for the two colonies reverts to the mainland. It was argued that their separate history and their respective metropolitan traditions will weigh heavily on the prospects for any phased transition to democracy. Of more immediate importance, however, is the current balance of forces within the region which affects them both, particularly their relationships with a China undergoing vast social and economic changes with profound implications for their own future political development. In this second part of the article there is more concern with current and future problems affecting the practice of democracy in Hong Kong and Macao, particularly the ways in which the new Basic Laws might operate in practice after 1997.     

The emergence of regional economies in China and its implications,with special reference to Hong Kong and Guangdong

  China's continental physical expanse has been a dominant, shaping influence of its political, social and economic development throughout its modern history. Thanks to its relative ethnic homogeneity, as well as the absence of political reform, it has – unlike the former Soviet Union – preserved its unity as a state. Nevertheless, regionalism remains a powerful counterpoint to centralisation in China. In particular, under the impact of post-1978 economic reforms, differentials and tensions between provinces and regions have emerged as a potent force, threatening the authority and power of Beijing. This article begins by seeking to explore some of the regional forms in which economic change has manifested itself during the last two decades. It highlights the unique problems faced by an economy that is still in transition in a country as large as China. Brief consideration is also given to the wider regional context in which China is sometimes placed as the central player – namely, that of `Greater China'. At the heart of the article is a case study that examines the evolution of a particular kind of regionalism, captured in the economic integration – even symbiosis - between Hong Kong and Guangdong. The question is addressed whether the form of regionalism contained within the forging of an ever-closer economic relationship between these two areas of South China can be a model for the integration of other regions both within and across China's national boundaries. Hong Kong's transformation from a tiny, dependent, colonial enclave into one of the most successful economies in the world is one of the most remarkable stories of post-World War II economic history. During the 1960s and 1970s, Hong Kong's growth record was unmatched anywhere else in the world. But by the beginning of the 1980s, high land rents and spiralling wages started to erode the international competitiveness that had been the basis of Hong Kong's previous economic success. By a happy coincidence, however, the emergence of such pressures coincided with the opening of China to the outside world. China's `open door' policy thereby made available to Hong Kong entrepreneurs a huge, hitherto untapped reservoir of cheap labour and gave them access to inexpensive factory sites just across the border in Guangdong. It was a lifeline to which they responded eagerly and, through the relocation of their factories, provided the means whereby Hong Kong manufacturers discovered a new lease of life. The benefits associated with this process accrued not only to Hong Kong through the regeneration of its manufacturing industry. Rather, it was a two-way process that also facilitated economic growth, structural transformation and improvements in living standards in Guangdong (above all, in the Pearl River Delta). In short, the process became the basis of deepening integration between the economies of the two regions. Indeed, it was the key element in the emergence of a new regional economic grouping, known as `Greater China' – an informal triangular partnership between Hong Kong, Taiwan and two southern Chinese provinces (Guangdong and Fujian). The emergence of `Greater China' can be regarded as a particular manifestation of the coastal bias that has so strongly characterised China's economic trajectory under reform. To this day, the triangular economic nexus between Hong Kong, Taiwan and South China remains an important dimension of China's external economic relations, even if developments in other coastal provinces have caused it to weaken. To what extent recent and future developments have challenged and will continue to challenge the regionalism inherent in the original notion of Greater China is something that deserves close attention. Not least, the strategic initiative of opening up China's western regions poses interesting and important questions that touch on future developments of `trans-nationalism' and `trans-regionalism' affecting China.     

试析新加坡的中国新移民社团

伴随着20世纪80年代以来中国大陆、香港、台湾新移民的大量涌入,新加坡的中国新移民社团①应运而生并迅速发展,进而在新加坡的当地社会扮演重要角色。本文先简要描述了新加坡中国新移民社团产生的背景及其建立、发展的概况;随后分析了新移民社团的三个主要社会功能,最后探讨了新加坡中国新移民社团目前存在的问题并展望其未来发展趋势。     

Hong Kong and Macao in transition (I): Debating democracy

Hong Kong returns to Chinese sovereignty on 1 July 1997 and Portugal terminates its administration of Macao, handing over to China, on 20 December 1999.’ The unprecedented circumstances when two European colonies are decolonized, not into independence but the embrace of the last effective communist state in the world, have raised considerable anxieties about the future of democracy there and the rights and freedoms of their inhabitants. Unlike other colonies, the acquisition and administration of Hong Kong or Macao was accomplished without any significant coercion of the local population. In recent years both have enjoyed a high degree of personal liberties, while also achieving high levels of economic development. However, neither has experienced any measure of democracy defined in terms of representation of the people in government or the accountability of the state apparatus. Consequently an examination and explanation of the extent of democracy that will be established there after their reversion to China should help illuminate the debate about the relevance of democracy to rights and freedoms and to economic development.     

Between Liberal Autocracy and Democracy: Democratic Legitimacy in Hong Kong

The partial democracy in Hong Kong is an experiment with limited suffrage in a liberal, self-governing society. This article examines the impact of system dissatisfaction and fundamental cultural values on democratic legitimacy, using logistic regression analyses of data drawn from an electoral survey in 2000. It is found that widespread public dissatisfaction with the economic downturn has not been generalized to the abstract, structural level of regime legitimacy. Equally widespread discontent with the political situation matters; but it has strengthened public support for democracy, rather than weakened it. Finally, democratic legitimacy is grounded in liberal, post-material and individualist-competitive values. In recognition of the plausible durability of these fundamental cultural norms and in view of the relative lack of support for non-democratic alternatives and strong support for partial electoral reform, we conclude that Hong Kong is very likely to remain on track toward a fuller democracy by incremental steps.     

东南亚华商在香港的经济活动分析

香港一直是东南亚华商投资与从事商贸活动的中心,也是东南亚与中国大陆进行经贸联系的中介,1980年代以来,香港更成为东南亚华人企业投资中国的桥梁。二战后,东南亚华商在香港的投资额越来越大,东南亚华人资本已成为香港经济的重要组成部分。尽管东南亚金融危机对东南亚华商在港企业造成了大冲击,但是大多数华人在港企业还是克服困难,度过了难关。     

Why the West Cares about Hong Kong

Hong Kong has always been an attractive prospect for powers competing for its geographic, economic, and political advantages. The west attaches importance to it because they have many interests in this unique city. Analyzing and learning how the west is involving itself in Hong Kong can help us to gain a better handle on Hong Kong affairs.     

“Hut ab,” “Promenade with Kamerade for Schokolade,” and the Flying Dutchman: British Soldiers in the Rhineland, 1918-1929

This essay explores the social history of the “British Army of the Rhine,” especially their interactions with the German population, over the eleven-year period of occupation in Cologne and part of the Rhineland. It covers the initial, sometimes fraught establishment of the occupation and interactions with the civil population, especially the perennial problem of British soldiers' relations with German women. These were initially prohibited altogether, but the rule was quickly relaxed, and the British authorities even accepted and regulated the use of brothels, leading to criticisms back home. The essay also discusses the comparatively small number of serious violent crimes (including four murders) during the occupation, and concludes that the occupation was characterized on both sides by grudging acceptance and some degree of forbearance.     

对外贸易地域结构与经济增长关系研究——以福建省为例

一、引言 改革开放以来,福建省对外贸易迅猛发展,成为全国领先的外贸大省.截至2007年年底,福建省累计实现进出口总额达5018.16亿美元(居全国第七位),其中出口总额2929.07亿美元,进口总额2089.09亿美元.随着外贸的稳定发展,其对福建经济的支撑带动作用不断凸显.     

Power through trade: opportunities and constraints of the European Union’s norm entrepreneurship—the case of Hong Kong

Asia Europe Journal - The economic, trade, and cultural relations between the European Union (EU) and Hong Kong are widely recognized in the existing literature to be the most beneficial and...     

Beijing's 2007 political reform plan and prospects for Hong Kong's democratization

In the September 2008 Legislative Council election, Hong Kong's democrats managed to retain their veto position in the political reform process. Now, the democrats face the dilemma of what to do with Beijing's 2007 plan for Hong Kong's democratization. According to the plan, the people of Hong Kong could see the direct election of the chief executive and the entire legislature in 2017 and 2020, respectively. Although the plan is not perfect, Hong Kong's pan-democratic camp may need to adopt a negotiated approach, given the current political reality and the balance of power between local democrats and Beijing. It is suggested here that there is room for negotiation in the latter's reform plan. If some moderate democrats are willing to pursue a negotiated strategy, Beijing's political reform plan for Hong Kong stands a significant chance of being approved. Recent developments in Hong Kong indicate that such a prospect could indeed materialize.