Understanding food security and international security links in the context of climate change

Food production has been changing significantly in recent years as a result of climate change and of growing demand for food. This article aims to understand the link between food security and international security in the context of climate change, applying a systematic and qualitative analysis of the literature using the bibliometric method. This research observes that climate change tends to affect agricultural productivity, exposing societies to risk and the need for migration. However, good governance, together with international cooperation, can reduce the hazards of food insecurity, strengthening ties between countries and stimulating a fairer and more inclusive form of international trade.     

国际碳交易机制复杂化及中国应对

目前,国际碳交易机制网络群体呈现复杂化态势,碳交易机制复合体、碳交易机制集群与碳交易机制联结相互渗透,同时其内部也进行着良性协同、建设性合作与功能性竞争的有序互动。在无政府状态、利益认知差异以及全球气候治理体系转型等普遍性因素影响下,国际碳交易机制复杂化的成因有着自身的特殊性,是其发展进程中的必然产物。另外,国际碳交易机制间的互动具有双重效应,其协同合作将会带来经济发展与气候保护的双赢结果,而如果互相掣肘则会增加碳交易成本甚至造成负减排。因此,中国在复杂化的国际碳交易机制中推进新型碳外交并实现碳中和目标,既需要充分发挥自身团结国际力量的优势以及国内和国际双循环新发展格局的核心作用,促进碳交易机制间的协同与衔接,又要积极践行《巴黎协定》关于碳交易机制整合的倡议,与各国及相关国际组织共同将碳交易机制整合的规范推广到整个国际社会以及其他议题的全球治理之中。     

欧盟气候变化政策的演变

欧盟的气候变化政策起源于欧洲环境保护运动,其形成经历了一个循序渐进、不断深化的过程。欧洲环境运动的发展为欧盟气候变化政策的形成提供了早期基础;围绕着《京都议定书》的谈判和履行议定书中欧盟提出的各项承诺,该政策正式形成。在后京都时代,欧盟又提出了气候变化扩展政策,该政策成为欧盟参与国际气候变化谈判的主要依据与基础。哥本哈根会议后,欧盟出台了“后哥本哈根国际气候政策：行动起来重振全球气候变化谈判”的政策文件,明确了欧盟后哥本哈根气候变化谈判战略。     

拜登政府的全球气候变化领导政策与中国应对

美国的气候治理政策长期呈现周期性变化特点。围绕气候问题,拜登政府强调引领清洁能源革命和重回气候治理,重视国内清洁能源发展、气候议题科学化塑造、气候治理多边主义,希望在继承奥巴马政府时期气候政策的基础上,全面提升美国的气候治理领导力。在国内,拜登政府欲依托科技创新、刺激需求、投资基础设施等措施使清洁能源融入美国经济进程;在气候外交方面,美国将推动相关问题在国家安全和外交事务中的主流化。拜登政府设计了“团结应对策略”,将盟友、峰会外交、经贸合作、对外援助和投资、技术标准、区域合作等内容融入其中,并突出气候变化与安全、人权的相关性。在对华气候政策方面,拜登政府将对中国实施限制性气候合作策略。虽然中美合作有助于实现《巴黎协定》的“2摄氏度”目标,也有助于全球低碳经济良性发展,但在气候治理领导权、全球低碳标准领域,中、美两国仍存在竞争。     

The European Union's role in networks on removal of fossil fuel subsidies and disclosure of climate change information

This article deals with newly emerging international collaborative initiatives around two issues connected to climate change: removal of fossil fuel subsidies and improving climate information disclosure practices in the business sector. While networked initiatives on the gradual removal of fossil fuel subsidies and a multi-actor network on disclosure of climate change information do not explicitly mobilize collective actions around climate change, they supplement and reinforce a wide array of other transnational initiatives and partnerships around climate change mitigation efforts. Analysed networks equip transnational policy processes around the climate change issue, initially formed by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change's member states, with new policy tools to mitigate human-induced climate change and hugely expand the membership of policy-making at the international level. Newly emerging transnational networks in the area of fossil fuel subsidies removal and improving climate change information disclosure practices in the corporate world also strive for harmonization of policy methods and instruments across international boundaries. The experience of the European Union (EU) in promoting climate change actions among its member states and in sustaining collaboration with private actors can serve as an exemplary and learning tool for transnational policy networks across continents. And the size of the EU's market together with its governance structure provides it with a common legitimate voice at the international arena for climate change decision-making.     

The promises and perils of subsidiarity in global governance: evidence from Africa

In the messy world of global governance, the principle of subsidiarity has the potential to order relations between different layers of governance as well as compensate for the legitimacy deficit of global governance institutions. However, subsidiarity has received surprisingly little scholarly attention in the discipline of International Relations. This article therefore seeks to examine the promises and perils of subsidiarity in global governance by adducing empirical evidence from Africa, a region which has authored norms and policies that often contest global norms and institutions. Based on two case studies of pro-democratic intervention in The Gambia and court proliferation at the (sub-)regional levels, the article concludes that while subsidiarity may strengthen democracy and the rule of law at the national level, it may also undermine the rule of law at the global level, as well as dilute fundamental global norms that serve to protect basic human rights. At the same time, subsidiarity provides opportunities for normative innovation, which suggests that more attention needs to be paid to the law-generating effects of subsidiarity and to the Global South as an agent of change in international law and global governance.     

Engendering world conferences: the international women's movement and the United Nations

This article gives a brief history of how women's groups internationally have shaped UN and World Conferences for Women, the changes in the relationship between women's nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the UN over time, and effective strategies for putting the women's agenda on international agendas. The article focuses on three recent UN conferences: the Rio conference on the environment, the Vienna conference on human rights, and the Cairo conference on population. The UN Decade for Women reshaped the international women's movement by including new players and by increasing the number and types of women's groups, particularly in developing countries. Women's NGOs learned how to operate on a global scale and to gain attention. New NGO alliances and networks were formed that were cross-regional and crossed North-South divisions. An increasing number of women's groups contributed to national and international policy-making situations. Women's groups were successful in receiving international and national recognition because of the effort expended to become well prepared in collecting, knowing, and analyzing their facts and in building broad-based coalitions. The key strategies that were used in participating effectively in the conference preparatory process and formal policy-making groups involved five types of activities: 1) NGOs mounted global campaigns on a variety of issues having to do with women's rights and women's involvement in the process; 2) NGOs held multiple strategic planning meetings and built coalitions and consensus at all levels; 3) women's NGOs drafted policy documents, resolutions, treaties, protocols, conventions, and platform documents; 4) women's NGOs gained seating on official delegations by publishing reports, holding meetings, and lobbying and nominating women as representatives; and 5) women's NGOs formed caucuses that met at a daily time and place for holding dialogues with official delegates and policy-makers.     

The extraterritorial dimensions of biofuel policies and the politics of scale: live and let die?

Despite criticism, global biofuel production continues to rise, using primarily food crops. Between 2001 and 2012 it increased nearly six-fold, driven primarily by domestic policies, yet raising strong international concerns, eg over impacts on global food prices. Nevertheless, little international biofuel governance has emerged. This article examines the various extraterritorial dimensions of domestic biofuel policies and investigates why international biofuel governance has remained vague, despite its controversial nature. It uses the politics of scale to analyse why countries may wish to frame it as a global or domestic issue. Three extraterritorial dimensions are identified: global environmental impacts, global socioeconomic impacts, and attempts at extraterritorial control over biofuel production abroad. While major producers have successfully avoided liability for impacts by preventing the scaling up of much biofuel governance to the international level, major importers have tried to fill perceived governance gaps using policies aimed at extraterritorial control. We show that both the rise of nationally oriented development policies with extraterritorial impacts and of unilateral sustainability rule making primarily affect weaker countries, making global inequalities more pronounced. It is essential that adaptation governance take into account both environmental and global socioeconomic changes, such as higher agricultural commodity prices.     

The Global South in Environmental Negotiations: the politics of coalitions in redd+

During international environmental negotiations developing countries have commonly employed a unified strategy through the G-77 and China (G-77/China). Compared with other negotiations, such as those on trade and security, this strategy has been relatively successful in securing financial and technical benefits. Unity among developing states is not, however, a characteristic of all environmental negotiations. This paper analyses the case of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation plus conservation ( redd +), where unity has been absent. It argues that the negotiation positions, strategies and coalition politics from 2005 to 2013 have been a result of identifiable power asymmetries among developing states (shifting over time). Some states with vast forest resources have held an effective veto, while others have had considerable moral influence and expert authority. Coalitions have courted such relevant and reputational leaders. At the same time some developing states have had enough diplomatic capacity and economic power to stand alone in negotiations. Taking a broad, historical view of the diverse forest interests and power asymmetries among developing states helps to explain the recent stagnation in negotiations to establish an international redd+ mechanism to mitigate climate change.     

中美气候变化合作与中美军事关系

气候变化是人类在二十一世纪面临的重大挑战,但这一重要命题却在金融危机导致的全球经济衰退背景下难以找到破解良方。作为对全球治理气候变化最具影响力的中美两国应按照求同存异的原则,在适应和后续应对方面进一步提升合作的深度和广度。特别是在气候变化导致极端天气和自然灾害日益增多的情况下,中美两国军队应加强在人道主义救援和灾难救助领域的协作和配合,尤其是在对两国均具有战略利益的地区。而中美在敏感军事领域的有效合作将有助于进一步提升两国之间的战略互信。     

China's Environmental Governance: the domestic – international nexus

This paper examines the connection between China's domestic governance and its involvement in global governance in environmental protection by studying the major actors and issues involved in the interaction between the domestic and international spheres of activities. These actors include international institutions, national and local governments, nongovernmental organisations, and others. The paper demonstrates that China has made some substantive progress in protecting its environment, but much more needs to be done. Internationally it seems to lack the will or the capability to make much contribution towards global environmental governance. However, because of its huge aggregate size, what it does or does not do to avert environmental degradation at home could have a significant impact on collective efforts to protect the environment at the global level.     

Power in Global Trade Governance: Is the EU a Unitary Actor,a Tool for Dominance,or a Site of Contestation? GATS and the TTIP Negotiations

The European Union (EU) plays multiple roles within global trade governance as a unitary actor with particular interests to promote, a tool for dominance by powerful interests, and a site of contestation facilitating civil society mobilization. Identifying these roles is key to analyzing the role of the EU particularly in times of crisis in global trade governance where new forms of politics are most likely to emerge. This is investigated through considering two cases of politically sensitive trade negotiation in which the EU played, and continues to play, an active role: the GATS 2000 negotiations and the EU-US TTIP.     

From war on terror to war on weather? Rethinking humanitarianism in a new era of chronic emergencies

This special issue of Third World Quarterly makes a case for redirecting attention and resources away from the 'war on terror' and focussing as a matter of urgency on the causes and consequences of global climate change. Global climate change must be recognised as an issue of national and international security. Increased competition for scarce resources and migration are key factors in the propagation of many of today's chronic complex humanitarian emergencies. The relentless growth of megacities in natural disaster hotspots places unprecedented numbers of vulnerable people at risk of disease and death. The Earth's fragile ecosystem has reached a critical tipping point. Today's most urgent need is for a collective endeavour on the part of the international community to redirect resources, enterprise and creativity away from the war on terror and to earnestly redeploy these in seeking solutions to the far greater and increasingly imminent threats that confront us as a consequence of global climate change.     

The framework convention on tobacco control: The politics of global health governance

This paper analyses the particular challenges that tobacco control poses for health governance in an era of accelerating globalisation. Traditionally, health systems have been structured at the national level, and health regulation has focused on the needs of populations within individual countries. However, the increasingly global nature of the tobacco industry, and the risks it poses to public health, require a transnational approach to regulation. This has been the rationale behind negotiations for a Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) by the Tobacco Free Initiative of the World Health Organisation (TFI/WHO). In recognition of the need to go beyond national governments, and to create a governance mechanism that can effectively address the transnational nature of the tobacco epidemic, WHO has sought to involve a broad range of interests in negotiations. The contributions of civil society groups in particular in the negotiation process have been unusual. This paper explores the nature and effectiveness of these contributions. It concludes with an assessment of whether the FCTC constitutes a significant shift towards a new form of global health governance, exploring the institutional tensions inherent in attempting to extend participation within a state-centric organisation.     

共同社会化与中国的国际秩序战略

国际秩序是由国家、国际组织等多种行为体构成的共同体,既包括确认秩序成员资格和调整成员互动的规范与规则,也包含反映秩序成员利益分配的地位或位置排序。共同社会化是崛起国与国际秩序成员共同调适,就秩序的规则与规范构成、利益分配份额以及崛起国在秩序中的地位与行为取得共识的过程。它具有调适过程的协商性、调适目标的共识性、调适结果的不确定性等特点。崛起国可从“改革+示善”两方面出发,实施共同社会化国际秩序战略。一方面,崛起国可主动改革国际秩序,加强治理能力,提升自身在国际秩序中的地位。另一方面,崛起国也需要以实际行动表明对改革秩序的善意,以获得外界的认可和支持。当今中国的国际秩序实践体现了共同社会化特点,既推动秩序改革,提升治理能力,提升中国在国际秩序中的影响力,又通过履行承诺展现改革的善意与效益。今后,中国可继续采用共同社会化的国际秩序战略,从有所作为地推进国际秩序改革、积极战略示善、理性处理对美关系、合理匹配成本与收益等方面出发,不断优化自身复兴的外部秩序环境。     

Assessing Aid and Global Governance

This analysis argues for a system of global economic, social and political governance in which development aid is part of wider global redistributive mechanisms to foster social progress and development in the twenty-first century. The study provides two arguments in favour of setting up a new system of global governance, and the role of aid in such a new system. First, since in the current international economic system aid cannot cope with adverse external shocks, a new system of global governance is necessary in order to protect LDCs from the volatility of the international economic system. Second, it is argued that a new system of global governance is needed to improve redistribution at the global level to foster social progress and development.     

Multilevel reinforcing dynamics: Global climate governance and European renewable energy policy

This article breaks new ground by revisiting the Multiple Streams Framework as central public policy theory and modifying it to take into account multilevel reinforcing dynamics. This is important as it allows policy change to be explained more accurately given the empirical interdependencies between policy‐making on the national, regional (e.g., European) and international levels, which so far have not been sufficiently taken into account by traditional public policy theories. It process‐traces how EU‐level policies motivated by energy security considerations and global climate leadership ambitions influenced international‐level agenda‐setting. Global climate change commitments in turn influenced European renewable energy and climate policy. Such multilevel reinforcing dynamics were central for the 2009 European Renewable Energy Directive, the 2030 Climate and Energy Framework and the 2050 European Green Deal proposal to emerge and subsequently facilitated the 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which in turn motivated developed and developing countries to legislate and implement climate and renewable energy policies.     

中国气候外交议题策略探析

在国际气候谈判中，中国的外交话语杈偏弱，特别反映在哥本哈根和坎昆气候大会上，中国总是受到西方的指责，并承受了巨大的国际减排责任压力。要想提升中国当前的气候外交话语权，应在议题策略上有所突破，最关键的是要提出国际气候治理的中国方案。中国方案的核心是为发展中国家争取经济转型的“缓冲期”策略，并在“公平承担份额”的原则指导下，制定“可实现、可完成”的“中度限额”减排方案。在此基础上，中国在气候谈判中还应更多地使用议题联系战略，迫使发达国家妥协，以更有效地维护国家利益。     

试论全球政治的新发展和中国多边外交的再思考

全球政治的新发展对国际关系产生了三大全局性影响,涉及人类生存的全球性重大问题上升到各国政治议程的前列,全球力量中心正从欧美开始向其他地区转移,全球性的"政治兴奋和活跃"继续扩散,从而对全球治理能力提出更高要求。但是现今的国际多边机制无论在充分性、有效性还是合法性上都存在日益严重的"能力赤字"。改革国际多边机制的呼声持续高涨。同时,中国在参与国际体系变革的多边外交进程中,面临日益上升的发挥"领导"和承担"国际责任"的压力,需要我们在多边外交中不断适应变化了的国家身份定位,在战略规划和布局上加强统筹地域和领域的多边机制,有机结合近期和长远目标,并在多边外交实践中丰富发展和谐世界理念。     

Criminology and the Transnational Condition: A Contribution to International Political Sociology

This article contributes to international political sociology and the further enhancement of the interdisciplinary study of the global system by introducing some of the lexicon of critical criminology into the discourse. It suggests that the contemporary global system is ripe with existential anxieties that are symptoms of momentous historical change and it argues that, for good or for ill, issues of crime definition and control have become central to the transnational condition. As a consequence, criminological theories should be introduced into theoretical discussions about the nature of the contemporary global scene. Such interdisciplinary cross-fertilization is vital, given the centrality of the language of criminal threats in the language of global governance and the language of governance globally.