Left-libertarian Ecopolitics and the Contradictions of Naturalistic Ethics: The Teleology Issue in Social Ecology

As a forum for the conception of an inclusive democracy, Democracy & Nature has been marked by a major split between supporters of the autonomy/democracy project and social ecologists. One of the major issues in this dispute has been the question of the objectivity of naturalistic ethics. Taking a critical look at social ecology's dialectical naturalism, this article draws on political philosophy-Hegel's critique of naturalism, Kant's distinction between human purposefulness and organic purposiveness, and Adorno's critical appropriation of Kant-to make the case that grounding left-libertarian ecopolitics in an 'objective' naturalism is an inherently contradictory project. In doing this, it seeks to make the related point that, rather than being relativistic and individualistic and thus complicit with the neoliberal apologetics of postmodernism, such a stance is an essential aspect of the left-libertarian critique of postmodernism.     

Aleksandr Bogdanov and Systems Theory

The significance and potential of systems theory and complexity theory are best appreciated through an understanding of their origins. Arguably, their originator was the Russian philosopher and revolutionary, Aleksandr Bogdanov. Bogdanov anticipated later developments of systems theory and complexity theory in his efforts to lay the foundations for a new, post-capitalist culture and science. This science would overcome the division between the natural and the human sciences and enable workers to organise themselves and their productive activity. It would be central to the culture of a society in which class and gender divisions have been transcended. At the same time it would free people from the deformed thinking of class societies, enabling them to appreciate both the limitations and the significance of their environments and other forms of life. In this paper it is argued that whatever Bogdanov's limitations, such a science is still required if we are to create a society free of class divisions, and that it is in this light that developments in systems theory and complexity theory should be judged.     

Loyalty Oaths in Finland

Loyalty oaths are a certain type of promise. What is their moral force? Do I by taking an oath thereby bind myself with some (new) moral ties to, say, the State of Finland? When can we speak of an oath as morally binding? These questions constitute the core of the paper. First, I shall give an analysis of promises and promising in general. Secondly, I shall try to analyse the question ‘Do we have to keep our promises?’ After this I shall consider some differences between standard case promises and loyalty oaths. After this the connection of loyalty oaths to civil liberty will be brought out. Thereafter I shall give a brief presentation of the politically most relevant loyalty oaths in Finland and ask if they can be considered as having any moral force. The paper ends with a few hints on the practical consequences of this analysis.     

The field of electoral systems research: A critical survey

The purpose of this article is to survey and evaluate the development and the current state of the field of electoral systems research. It will treat both the field's strengths and its weaknesses, but my main emphasis will be on the weaknesses and, on the whole, I shall be quite critical. My critique will move from the general to the specific: I shall begin with some very general observations concerning the state of the field, and end with a discussion of one specific, but by no means minor, problem: the crucial question of how we should measure the degree of proportionality or disproportionality of different electoral systems.     

The Local Party Organization and Its Members: Between Randomness and Rationality*

In this article we shall argue the importance of approaching the relationship between party organizations and party members by analyzing the interaction between characteristics of the national party system, the party organization as a more or less open or closed system, and the resources of individuals particularly conducive to party membership. We shall mainly discuss the organizational level, taking as a starting point different models from organizational theory: the rational behaviour model, the survival model, the bureaucratic model, and the symbolic action model. We apply these models in our search for how political parties seek to mobilize members. Examples illustrating the relevance of the different models are a warning to those who wish to develop a general theory of party organization.     

THE IMAGE OF THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATOR: AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

The more that I have thought about the question of the image of the public administrator, the more complex and ambiguous the whole concept has seemed to be. Our knowledge of the facts is patchy enough. Our understanding of causes and effects is thinner still. The best approach is perhaps to pool what we know from different sources. So today I propose to add to the available material, including the recent ANOP survey findings, such fragments of information and such conclusions as are available in the British context. I shall certainly look forward to learning more about Australian experiences while I am here. Between us, we may be able to make a little progress.     

也评黄枬森的“辩证唯物主义世界观”——答周树智先生相关评论

把马克思的世界观称之为辩证唯物主义是恰当的,这在我国哲学界是许多学者的共识,黄枬森同志对此做了比较系统的论述。近来有部分论者发文高调批判和否定了黄枬森的相关观点,在他们看来,黄枬森先生所坚持和阐发的辩证唯物主义是斯大林的哲学、是"见物不见人"的旧哲学,不是马克思的世界观;辩证唯物主义是与"以人为本"的科学发展观相背离的哲学;劳动异化理论是马克思的以人为本的新哲学开始形成的重大标志等。这些理由完全不符合马克思主义哲学史事实,具体地来说有的是主观臆断、乱扣帽子,有的是无中生有、自欺欺人,有的是断章取义、牵强附会,因而都是不能成立的。     

Renaturalisierung sozialer Ungleichheiten? Zu Wolfgang Kerstings vergeblicher Hoffnung, auf dem Weg von John Rawls über Robert Nozick zu einer liberalen Sozialstaatsphilosophie zu gelangen

In 2000, Wolfgang Kersting gave a much acknowledged outline concerning a liberal welfare state-philosophy within the debate on libertarianism and egalitarianism. Kersting, who used to sympathize with John Rawls’ theory of justice, now bases his approach on a ‘naturalism of merits’, which he polemically distinguishes from all egalitarian forms of political liberalism. This article deals with Kersting’s way from John Rawls’ ‘Theory of Justice’ (1971) via Robert Nozick’s ‘Anarchy, State, and Utopia’ (1974) to his present conception of a minimal welfare state; furthermore, the article points out that Kersting’s conception is appropriate neither to the complexity of modern societies nor to the basic normative standards of the classical political liberalism.     

Systems Theory and Complexity: Introduction

In this paper the central ideas and history of complexity theory and systems theory are described. It is shown how these theories lend themselves to different interpretations, and different interpretations lead to different political conclusions.     

Multiculturalism and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms

Section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms states: 'This Charter shall be interpreted in a manner consistent with the preservation and enhancement of the multicultural heritage of Canadians', and we know surprisingly little about why the Canadian Federal Government agreed to insert it in the Charter and how this occurred. In this article I will use new historical evidence to explain both these things and I proceed in three stages. Firstly, I explain why the Canadian Federal Government agreed to include what became Section 27 in the Canadian Charter. Secondly, I explain how it was actually included. I then conclude the article by explaining why the evidence in it not only explains why and how Section 27 was included in the Charter; it also increases the possibility that a largely unsubstantiated claim made by certain prominent scholars is true. The claim is that the Canadian Federal Government's policy of multiculturalism was used to shape the Canadian national identity.     

In the woods: darkness at noon or Sunday in the park with Lin?

I discuss Elinor (Lin) Ostrom’s long journey into complex social systems and draw attention to her reliance on induction and the methods of experimental science. In her own words, the simple “organism” she has experimented on is a particular type of human situation—the common pool situation. I compare the philosophy of science associated with the European Enlightenment to Lin’s approach. I discuss the implication of problem difficulty and complexity for institutional policy, and conclude by comparing the tragedy of the commons to the tragedy of the anticommons, claiming that little is known empirically about the existence of the latter phenomenon.     

‘Genre Blurring’ and Public Administration: What Can We Learn from Ethnography?

This article seeks to broaden the craft of public administration by ‘blurring genres’. First, I explain the phrase ‘blurring genres’. Second, I provide some examples of early work in administrative ethnography. Third, I compare this early, modernist‐empiricist ethnography with interpretive ethnography, suggesting researchers confront three choices: naturalism vs. anti‐naturalism; intensive vs. hit‐and‐run fieldwork; and generalisation vs. local knowledge. After this general discussion, and fourth, I discuss the more prosaic issues that confront anyone seeking to use ethnography to study public administration and look at fieldwork roles, relevance, time, evidence and fieldwork relationships. Fifth, I describe and illustrate the several tools students of public administration can use as well as observation and interviews; namely, focus groups, para‐ethnography, visual ethnography, and storytelling. Finally, I conclude that ethnographic fieldwork provides texture, depth and nuance, and lets interviewees explain the meaning of their actions. It is an indispensable tool and a graphic example of how to enrich public administration by drawing on the theories and methods of the humanities.     

On Riker's Theory of Political Succession

Riker's view of the dynamical forces of political systems singles out disequilibrium, strategic voting and agenda-manipulation as the pervasive features determining the nature of political change. We shall investigate these characteristics in some detail and thereafter evaluate the methodological aspects of Riker's theory. Some observations on the general relevance of the equilibrium analysis of multi-dimensional spatial voting models for the study of political institutions are also made.     

Spreading intelligence

ABSTRACT

Defining intelligence is not just a terminological but also a political question. Intelligence methods are spreading quickly in the contemporary security landscape, and defining intelligence gives us a clearer idea of what we are in fact spreading, and therefore also of the political and social consequences that this may entail. When using intelligence methods in, say, policing, public administration or immigration services, we import a specific adversarial logic and thereby transform the social relationships that these regulatory and administrative practices support and rest upon. In this paper, I shall propose a new definition of intelligence in order to analyse the social transformations that may be produced by the logical structure implicit in the concept of intelligence.     

The Policy Sciences: The Challenge of Complexity

This essay reviews some of the recent criticisms of positivist science. It interprets this criticism, more generally, as directed towards the complexity of social science phenomena and the difficulty of dealing with complexity epistemologically and methodologically. Rather than ignoring complexity, changing the subject matter or explaining it away, we argue that complexity may be acknowledged and studied systematically withn the context of post-positivist approaches. The essay than proposes several strategies for conceptualizing and researching complexity (at a "meta-level" from substantive policy research) that are based in systems theory.     

Merit by Any Other Name—Refraining the Civil Service First Principle

Merit has traditionally served as the foundation of public human resources management (HRM) policy and practice. Today, the concept is more closely associated with compensation (merit pay) than with values that drive behavior in federal HRM. As the Departments of Homeland Security and Defense struggle to create new HRM systems that promote results‐oriented government, the question arises, how does merit inform practice in these new systems? In this article, I identify the values that are influencing federal HRM decision making now and develop a model for merit‐based HRM systems in a less regulated environment through a view from three lenses: the historical evolution of the merit concept in American government, how merit is treated in the law, and how merit has been applied in Title‐5 exempt organizations. This discussion will help to create HRM policies and practices that are grounded in values that managers and employees can embrace and that translate into behaviors that promote both good relationships and results‐oriented performance.     

Governance and Complexity—Emerging Issues for Governance Theory

Unexpected epidemics, abrupt catastrophic shifts in biophysical systems, and economic crises that cascade across national borders and regions are events that challenge the steering capacity of governance at all political levels. This article seeks to extend the applicability of governance theory by developing hypotheses about how different governance types can be expected to handle processes of change characterized by nonlinear dynamics, threshold effects, cascades, and limited predictability. The first part of the article argues the relevance of a complex adaptive system approach and goes on to review how well governance theory acknowledges the intriguing behavior of complex adaptive systems. In the second part, we develop a typology of governance systems based on their adaptive capacities. Finally, we investigate how combinations of governance systems on different levels buffer or weaken the capacity to govern complex adaptive systems.     

Should the High Court Consider Policy Implications in Deciding Cases?

If the High Court is to consider policy implications when making judicial decisions, a number of preliminary matters require examination. First, what parliaments, executive governments and other instrumentalities will be affected? Next, may the High Court validly exercise this function? And last, is it likely to do so? I shall discuss these preliminary matters in the order stated and thereafter express my view on the question raised by the editors for discussion. In the course of discussion, I shall mention some incidental matters related to the High Court and its functions.     

It is all about value: How domestic party brands influence voting patterns in the European Parliament

Research on the European Parliament finds legislative voting patterns remained constant following the Eastern enlargement of the European Union. This article shows that Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from these new member states are actually more likely to vote along European party lines. Given that these MEPs often come from less institutionalized domestic party systems that lack norms of legislative discipline, we should expect them to exhibit more erratic voting behavior than MEPs from mature systems. Why would stronger party discipline at the European level be associated with more volatile and fragmented domestic party systems? This article argues MEPs from less institutionalized systems rely more on the brand of their European party, which provides better information and career opportunities than their parties at home, and thus are more likely to vote along European party lines. I find support for this theory using data from the sixth European Parliament (2004–2009).     

The Evolution of Party Systems between Elections

Most existing theoretical work on party competition pays little attention to the evolution of party systems between elections as a result of defections between parties. In this article, we treat individual legislators as utility-maximizing agents tempted to defect to other parties if this would increase their expected payoffs. We model the evolution of party systems between elections in these terms and discuss this analytically, exploring unanswered questions using computational methods. Under office-seeking motivational assumptions, our results strikingly highlight the role of the largest party, especially when it is "dominant" in the technical sense, as a pole of attraction in interelectoral evolution.