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This paper revisits the controversy generated by a series of publications in 2009 by prominent Australian journalist Andrew Bolt. The overall argument is that the controversy generated by the Bolt case contributed to a reimagining of a twenty-first century version of the global colour line. Bolt's articles rested on a “racial grammar of whiteness” that enabled him simultaneously to assert and mask the hegemonic naturalness of whiteness. A racial grammar of whiteness mediates what people take to be the norm in representations and writings about the natures, roles and attributes of whites and non-whites in social situations and the social relations appropriate to them. It enables such views to be presented as just so much common-sense. Demonstrating this racial grammar at work is important because his articles appeared to echo an earlier era's narratives about race, power and privilege that were themselves informed by the global colour line, and which culminated in the now defunct White Australia Policy. The paper explores how those echoes were given substance within Bolt's articles and the subsequent court case about them, and how this contributed to a reimagining of the global colour line.  相似文献   

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This paper analyses the past and present treatment of people applying for asylum on the grounds of their sexual orientation in Australia. Despite having relatively progressive legislative measures for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) citizens, the treatment of refugees applying for refugee status based on their sexual orientation has historically been dogged by questionable and biased decision‐making. It is argued that early claims were initially plagued by a number of issues, notably the employment of discretion reasoning and errors in credibility assessment. The second section of this paper takes a deeper look at claims made in Australia between 2016 and mid‐2018 to assess whether there has been any improvement in decision‐making. It is argued that Australian decision‐making for sexual orientation‐based claims has demonstrably improved, encouraged by the introduction of new departmental guidelines for assessing such claims in 2016. However, it emerged in later claims that some decision‐makers continue to confuse sexuality and gender identity, demonstrating that issues remain for applicants in Australia. Ultimately, it is argued that in order to continue to improve decision‐making, the Australian Immigration Department and tribunals need to be more transparent about the development and implementation of decision‐making guidelines.  相似文献   

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The Bangladesh Liberation War against West Pakistan in 1971 triggered an exodus of ten million refugees, the deaths of approximately 1.5 million people and widespread destruction of villages, crops and infrastructure. Preoccupied with the Cold War and domestic politics, powerful nations such as the US and UK did not intervene directly and reluctantly provided aid. The Australian government, for its part, was particularly slow to offer aid, trailing efforts of New Zealand and most Western European governments. While the McMahon administration remained indifferent, Australians from diverse backgrounds engaged with this conflict by raising public awareness, fundraising and lobbying the Australian government to increase its aid contribution to Bangladeshis displaced by war. At a time when Australian government policies focused on the war in Indo‐China, Cold War politics and development in south‐east Asia and the south Pacific, I consider the ways Australian individuals offered aid to Asian, non‐Christian refugees, some of whom held Maoist views. Using archival materials, historical newspapers and census data, this article argues that, paradoxically, it was individuals with little political capital who spearheaded Australian efforts to aid Bangladeshi refugees. In short, the Bangladesh Liberation War provoked a groundswell of suburban activism that acted independently of government policies.  相似文献   

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On 12 September 1944, a U.S. submarine sank the Japanese transport ship Rakuyo Maru in the South China Sea which was carrying over a thousand Australian and British prisoners. Several days later, nearly a hundred Australian survivors from the ship were rescued by American submariners, and they later returned to Australia in October 1944. Analysis of this unanticipated repatriation provides some insight into attitudes toward prisoners of war as well as Australia's relationship with its allies at the time. Other historians have highlighted the ambiguous status of POWs relative to the Anzac legend. In the case of the Rakuyo Maru survivors, it is argued that ambivalence about their return had less to do with the Anzac legend than control of the information they brought back about the treatment and fate of other Australian prisoners in Japanese hands. Under pressure from both the United States and British governments, Australia wrestled with the issue of whether to publicise reports by the returned prisoners of Japanese atrocities. At the same time, the government came under pressure from relatives of prisoners still in captivity to disclose knowledge about their fate obtained from the Rakuyo Maru survivors.  相似文献   

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This article explores the politics of telecommunications reform between 1967 and 1972, during which time Labor developed a new policy approach that included committing to reconstitute the Postmaster‐General's Department as a relatively independent statutory authority. This represented the first serious attempt to reconcile the conflicting objectives of Australian policy: to provide affordable universal services by a government department expected to operate as a “business‐like” enterprise, and ended the political consensus about how national telecommunications should be delivered. The paper contrasts Labor's policy with the Liberal‐Country government's more incremental approach; and highlights a significant public policy shift that has received insufficient attention.  相似文献   

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The publication of the Morpeth Review between 1927 and 1934 was a milestone in the evolution of an authentic public sphere for Australian political intellectuals. The Review covered several areas of political and philosophical concern, ranging ideologically from Christian socialism and idealist liberalism, through market economics, to reactionary anti‐Bolshevism, within the editorial context of a strongly idealist liberalism inspired by the Oxford liberals of the early twentieth century, and both evangelical and sacramentalist Anglican Protestantism. Ernest H. Burgmann and Roy Lee used the magazine to develop a unique form of Anglican social and political activism and other members of an identifiable group of radical clergy also contributed. A.p. Elkin's writings on Indigenous politics are of particular interest as they can be viewed simultaneously as a turning toward the novel idea of Aboriginal citizenship, and at the same time as a restatement of Darwinist biological determinism and racialism, both lit by genuine compassion and affection for Aboriginal Australians.  相似文献   

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This article analyzes the problematics of the international community's response to the Syrian refugee crisis: patterns of displacement, including the lack of attention to basic needs, the limited economic opportunities in host countries, the conditions facing Syrian refugee children, the risk involved in migration, and the challenge of adapting to host societies. The article then elucidates the series of failures of the international community to address the causes of this displacement, despite efforts by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international institutions to alleviate suffering. It traces the humanitarian mismanagement to political divisions in the international community, including the failure of Arab states, the Iranian intervention, and the role of the United Nations, Russia and the United States in aggravating the displacement. The article provides policy recommendations for international actors in order to honor their commitments to hosting refugees and addresses the political requirements for a lasting solution.  相似文献   

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Political diaries can claim literary, political and intellectual significance, yet they have rarely been subject to serious or extended enquiry. In this article we offer the first comprehensive survey of the Australian political diary. We also analyse these writings in some depth, suggesting that, taken as a whole, the diaries reveal three Weberian “ideal types” of the politician: the “patrician”, the “professional”, and the “radical”. These ideal types are used to shed a new light on the functioning and limitations of parliamentary democracy in Australia.  相似文献   

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In an era when managing the impact of unregulated migration is of growing worldwide concern, I ask why the city of Munich expanded social aid to enhance refugee living conditions and integration opportunities despite broader trends to do the opposite. I find that city policymakers were driven by a locally dominant humanitarian paradigm, which was opposed by a security paradigm favoured by the Bavarian government. Research on ideas and policy often focuses on how taken-for-granted ideas limit policy development. An analysis of city-level refugee policy suggests that ideological conflict strengthens the clarity and salience of ideas, which can increase their impact on policymaking. Ideological conflict between paradigms made it harder for city policymakers to support policies that were not consistent with the humanitarian paradigm.  相似文献   

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