South Korea under the United States–China rivalry: dynamics of the economic-security nexus in trade policymaking

With the advent of the Trump administration and the subsequent U.S.–China trade conflict, South Korea's trade policy is under immense pressure. The KORUS FTA has been pushed for renegotiation while the China–South Korea trade relations have stumbled after the THAAD deployment to South Korea. This challenge can be characterized by the economic-security nexus shifted from positive to negative: that is, South Korea is compelled to either sacrifice its economic benefits in favor of security interest or vice versa. In contrast to Japan that seeks to retain TPP as a way of benefitting from a regionwide trade integration and balancing both Trump unilateralism and Chinese mercantilist influence, South Korea is forced to play a more complex game. Given its deep yet asymmetric economic interdependence with China and North Korean security threats, South Korea needs to accommodate China while at the same time courting US engagement in resolving the North Korean nuclear problems.     

美国多元文化教育的理论困境与转向

20世纪90年代以来,在全球化与全球化教育、新保守主义和新自由主义等思潮的冲击下,美国的多元文化教育理论进入反思和深化阶段,并且开始从"民族国家多元文化教育"向"全球社会多元文化教育"转向,在新的发展路径中,多元文化教育仍然面临着如何调适国家、民族利益与全世界共同利益,以及文化诉求、经济诉求与政治诉求的复杂关系。     

透视中国商标法

因为忽视中国现存商标的巨大价值和商标侵权对于中国企业的损害,并且商标权保护的客体不包含创造性工作的这一特点,对中国知识产权保护进行研究的美国学错误地认为,中国政府没有保护商标权的需要。在不同的经济、化、政府结构和历史因素的共同作用下,中国和美国的商标保护体系在商标权的客体、对于商标产品的质量要求、商标登记和侵权的救济等多方面存在差异。这些差异有些反映了中国商标保护的不足之处,有些却是由中国现状所决定的。根据经济发展和消费的需要,中国商标保护制度将会越来越完善。     

美国的高级文官制度

二次大战后，为了充实联邦政府的高级人才队伍，适应政府高级人才管理的需要，美国逐渐形成了高级官制度。本对美国高级官制度各方面的情况进行了系统介绍。     

美国防止利益冲突的经验及其对我国的启示

防止利益冲突法是国家为了厘清公益与私利的界限,约束公职人员的行为,防止公职人员公权私用、以权谋私（或以职谋私）,保证其廉洁从政的法律规范。美国是防止利益冲突立法较早并取得良好成效的国家。美国成功的秘诀是：法律可操作性强,监督有效、到位,相关配套制度完备。虽然我国在建立防止利益冲突制度方面也进行了探索,但由于停留在党纪政纪层面,缺乏权威性、强制性和威慑力。我国的防止利益冲突制度设计粗糙,可操作性差,加之监督不力,相关制度不完善,因此,成效甚微。为了有效遏制和预防腐败,我国应当尽早出台《防止利益冲突法》,同时应当完善相关法律,如《公职人员财产申报法》、《政务公开法》、《行政程序法》、《新闻法》等。     

领导理论刍议

本文从解析领导的概念入手,分析了领导的本质,阐述了领导与管理的区别,介绍了领导理论研究发展的脉络,探讨了当前领导学研究中存在争议的问题,从而启发一个领导者应该做什么。     

新领导力——古代领导力与现代领导力比较研究

现代领导力是古代领导力的继承,但不是复制,它与古代领导力有本质的区别。通过对中国古代领导力与现代领导力的比较研究,可以为我们对现代领导力的内容及其提升提供新的理解。     

The more the merrier? Sino-Japanese security relations in the context of complex interstate rivalry in the Asia-Pacific region

Abstract

This paper analyses the evolution of Sino-Japanese rivalry in the security sphere concentrating on the Chinese perspective, and placing it within the wider context of complex interstate rivalry between China, Japan and the United States. From a theoretical viewpoint, this research contributes to the literature on interstate rivalry from multiparty perspective, which has been overlooked in existing research. China–Japan–US complex interstate rivalry includes elements of positional, spatial and ideological rivalry simultaneously. When rivalries mix two or more rivalry types, they become more difficult to resolve. The two broad trends of China’s military build-up and deepening US–Japan alliance evolve in tandem intensifying rivalry dynamics and increasing positional elements of rivalry. There are many indications on various levels that for China, controlling Japan’s international ambitions has become less important and more attention is paid to ways in which Japan helps the United States in reaching its objectives in Asia through their alliance agreement. The cases analysed to display complex interstate rivalry include the Taiwan question, territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas, and the North Korean nuclear issue.     

美国宪法“正当法律程序“原则的经济效应分析

本文通过分析美国宪法“正当法律程序”的演变过程 ,并结合美国宪政变迁的实际历程 ,以及“正常法律程序”与美国经济发展的内在关联 ;对传统的宪政理论中的“经济决定论”进行认真反思 ,并初步提出自己的看法     

Federalism, Political Structure, and Public Policy in the United States and Canada

Two of the three large countries on the North American continent—the United States and Canada—share a number of similarities that often make it difficult for the untrained observer to differentiate between the two nations. On the surface, the two are structured similarly as federal systems that, by definition, exhibit shared power between the national government and provincial or state political entities.Although there are other important social and economic characteristics of the two countries that help explain differences in policy processes and outcomes, it is the contention of this article that one gets the clearest sense of what Elazar has called thinking federal by utilizing an analytical approach that joins questions related to federalism with some conceptual frameworks of the public policy field. Two frameworks undergird the argument in this article—the Lowi typology of different types of policies and Deil Wright's typology of different models that describe the American inter-governmental system.In both countries, policies must be sensitive to the greater interdependencies between units of government as well as to linkages between policy areas. The mechanisms or instrumentalities for dealing with policy issues are intrinsically complex. It is also clear that the intergovernmental networks that exist in both the U.S. and Canada are composed of an array of actors. The differing political structures of the systems do impact the types of intergovernmental policies that have emerged in the two countries. The executive dominance so imbedded in Canadian governments has contributed to their ability to adopt and implement certain controversial redistributive policies, such as a national health insurance program. By contrast, the fragmentation of the U.S. system makes redistributive policies more difficult.     

Upgrading the ‘software’: The EU–Korea Free Trade Agreement and sociocultural barriers to trade and investment

Abstract

In October 2010, the European Union (EU) and the Republic of Korea signed a free trade agreement that went into effect in July 2011 and aims to increase levels of bilateral trade and investment by dismantling existing tariff and non-tariff barriers. In this article, we highlight the importance of a third class of barriers: social, cultural and institutional barriers to trade with and investment in Korea that cannot be legislated for under the new agreement but that can serve as ‘hidden stumbling blocks’ to its implementation and effectiveness. We argue that the phenomenon of ‘mismatched globalization’ (in which economic globalization outpaces cultural globalization) is still apparent in Korea, as evidenced by the continuing existence of these ‘soft’ barriers which include, inter alia, the gap between policy and implementation; the lack of predictability, consistency and transparency in the regulatory environment (including IPR protection); education systems; labour militancy; and attitudes towards globalization. These findings resonate with Dent's (2006 Dent, C. M. 2006. New Free Trade Agreements in the Asia-Pacific, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) argument that ‘deficient capacity’ in terms of technocracy, industry and/or institutional arrangements can pose problems for developing countries seeking to negotiate and implement bilateral trade agreements with more developed countries. In the case of Korea, the long-term ‘soft’ social, cultural and institutional barriers identified and discussed in this article act as a constraint on the country's institutional capacity functions and thus have the potential to hinder the full and effective implementation of the EU–Korea Free Trade Agreement and reduce the economic benefits that the signatory parties hope to gain from it.     

Exuberant Innovations: The Apollo Program

We present an analysis of the economic, political and social factors that underlay the Apollo program, one of the most exceptional and costly projects ever undertaken by the United States in peacetime that culminated in 1969 with the first human steps on the Moon. This study suggests that the Apollo program provides a vivid illustration of a societal bubble, defined as a collective over-enthusiasm as well as unreasonable investments and efforts, derived through excessive public and/or political expectations of positive outcomes associated with a general reduction of risk aversion. We show that economic, political and social factors weaved a network of reinforcing feedbacks that led to widespread over-enthusiasm and extraordinary commitment by those involved in the project as well as by politicians and by the public at large. We propose the general concept of “pro-bubbles”, according to which bubbles are an unavoidable development in technological and social enterprise that benefits society by allowing exceptional niches of innovation to be explored.