公共服务视角下超大城市外来人口 公民权利的建构之道

外来人口为当代中国城市经济社会发展做出了巨大贡献,然而却一直难以平等地享有与当地户籍居民均等的公民权利。通过"吸纳—供给"模型,可以揭示出超大城市外来人口公民权利建构的内在逻辑,为当代中国公民权利的平等建构提供可资借鉴的理论资源与现实依据。上海外来人口管理服务进程可划分为"前居住证阶段""居住证条件管理阶段""居住证积分管理阶段"等三个阶段,综合其演化轨迹,可提炼出超大城市外来人口公民权利建构的差序化逻辑体系,即从核心到边缘的非均衡吸纳逻辑、从破碎到完整的体系化供给逻辑以及从被动到主动的回应性赋权逻辑特质。     

Cosmopolitan citizenship

Traditional statist approaches to citzenship emphasise the rights and duties which individuals have as members of bounded sovereign communities. They deny that citizenship has any meaning when detached from the sovereign nation‐state. Theorists in the Kantian tradition have used the idea of world citizenship to refer to obligations to care about the future of the whole human race. This article extends the Kantian approach by arguing for a dialogic conception of cosmopolitan citizenship. What distinguishes this approach is the claim that separate states and other actors have an obligation to give institutional expression to the idea of a universal communication community which reflects the heterogeneous character of international society.     

For a European Constitutional Patriotism

In recent years, two dominant models for understanding the source of common political identities have emerged in the European context: the universalist paradigm of constitutional patriotism and the communitarian paradigm of 'civic nationalism'. In view of this dichotomy, one could be tempted to think that only a combination of these two positions could deal with the mixed nature of European architecture. The European Union would thus give birth to the appealing synthesis of a 'cosmopolitan communitarianism'. This choice of a middle way is challenged in this paper. Instead, I argue that the national or communitarian challenge would be better met by the development of constitutional patriotism rather than by a loose compromise. Contrary to what most commentators seem to believe, constitutional patriotism has practical significance, is historically embedded and seeks to promote a shared political culture.     

立德树人背景下提升大学生爱国主义教育路径研究

党的十八大以来,确立了立德树人是教育的根本任务。因此,高校大学生思想政治教育工作必须紧密围绕立德树人的根本任务展开,强化大学生思想政治意识、社会道德观念,培养大学生的家国情怀。本文以立德树人为背景,以大学生爱国主义教育为切入点,通过分析新时期爱国主义教育的重要性,提出大学生爱国主义教育的实现路径。     

Toward a New Critical Theory with a Cosmopolitan Intent

In this article I want to outline an argument for a New Critical Theory with a cosmopolitan intent. Its main purpose is to undermine one of the most powerful beliefs of our time concerning society and politics. This belief is the notion that “modern society” and “modern politics” are to be understood as society and politics organized around the nation‐state, equating society with the national imagination of society. There are two aspects to this body of beliefs: what I call the “national perspective” (or “national gaze”) of social actors, and the “methodological nationalism” of scientific observers. The distinction between these two perspectives is important because there is no logical co‐implication between them, only an interconnected genesis and history.     

Statistics as a Democratic Pedagogy: Quantitative Measures and the Civic Imagination

Quantitative measures have become a cornerstone in social knowledge formation and policy-making. They have also been criticized as forms of epistemic authority that close off debate, serve elite interests, and empower states and markets over the people. Such concerns are well-founded. This article, however, argues that a participatory and epistemically chastened approach to measurement development and dissemination can make the world legible without falling into depoliticizing assertions of undemocratic authority. Through a critical reading of the history, theory, and methodology of the indicator and indexing movement, the article argues that statistics can serve as a democratic pedagogy that empowers citizens to understand and transform large and complex political realities.     

“Civic discovery” as a rhetorical strategy

Much research in the field of public management is distinguished by its rejection of the politics-administration dichotomy and its emphasis on the public manager's responsibility for political management. By rejecting the dichotomy, however, scholars in public management have reopened debate over an old question: Why is it right for public managers to exercise political power in the policymaking process? It is argued that the dichotomy served as a rhetorical strategy for allaying public concern about bureaucratic power, and that public management scholars must now invent a new strategy to take its place. This article evaluates one strategy, proposed by Moore and Reich, which is premised on the idea that managers may legitimize the exercise of discretion by showing it to be consistent with a mandate that is produced through a fair process of deliberation. It is argued that the new strategy may overestimate the ability to build mandates, the ability to build deliberative processes that are manifestly fair, and the willingness of dissentient citizens to defer to such mandates. The new strategy will also bind public managers to a demonstration of neutrality not unlike that imposed by the politics-administration dichotomy.     

Democracy: From City-states to a Cosmopolitan Order?

This article traces the development of the idea of democracy from city-states and the early republican tradition to liberalism and Marxism. The relevance of leading conceptions of democracy to contemporary circumstances are then explored. In light of the complex interconnections among states and societies, a set of arguments are developed which offer a new agenda for democratic theory which departs from an exclusive focus on particular political communities and the nation-state. After an examination of a number of key models of the international order - the states system, the UN Charter framework - the case is made for a cosmopolitan international democracy. While such a case is fraught with difficulties, strong grounds are presented for its indispensability to the maintenance and development of democracy both within pre-established borders and across them.     

Woman-Thought, Social Capital, and the Generative State: Mary Austin and the Integrative Civic Ideal in Progressive Thought

This essay explicates Mary Austin's theory of citizenship and demonstrates her contribution to the larger literature on social democratic citizenship emerging in the early twentieth century. The primary text considered is her monograph, The Young Woman Citizen (1918) . In this piece, Austin reimagines the spatial and gender ordering of the polity to create an integrative and inclusive civic ideal. She employs the concepts of society and mind as a means of blurring the boundaries between the public and private and integrating the polity, while she turns to woman-thought, social capital, and the generative state to secure women's inclusion. Austin's work combines a unique form of the gender-difference argument for suffrage with progressive political philosophies in an effort to construct a model of the polity in which women share sovereignty with men, socially, culturally, and institutionally.     

A New Progressive Patriotism

The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose.     

Creating Civic Bureaucrats

ABSTRACT

Kirlin (1996a; 1996b) argued that big questions of public management should be placed within a democratic framework emphasizing government's role in creating “civic infrastructure.” For this study, those who build civic infrastructure are called “civic bureaucrats,” and new measures (Civic Bureaucrat Scale and subscales:civic skills, faith in the public, deliberative democracy value, civic motivation, and political system value) are used to examine which factors are associated with encouraging public servants, such as U.S. city planners, to pursue democratic processes. These measures are different from those that examine public service or public participation, and are more focused on finding public servants guided by democratic values. Variables that might influence civic bureaucrats are individual, job, work, and community characteristics. Regression results found Civic Bureaucrat levels associated with gender (being a woman), dedication to civic duty, citizens bashing government, cities’ civic capital levels, and non-competitive elections. Notably, Civic Bureaucrat levels go up when elections are less competitive, suggesting civic bureaucrats picking up the slack when democratic institutions falter. Understanding such factors sheds light on what boosts and saps the civic energies of public servants.     

Civic Involvement and Modernization

Abstract

This paper investigates how broad processes of modernization affect individuals' relations to the civil sphere. It first introduces a model of civic involvement as a system of expectations between participants and associations. Next, the issue of change is explored. It is argued that recent social transformations, such as individualization, globalization and technology changes, undermine classic notions of civil society participation. Old types of involvement vanish, while new ones emerge. We investigate in more detail how macro-changes affect three core models of civic involvement: as a member, a volunteer and a citizen. Each model holds particular relations between adherents and associations. The conventional understanding of each model is examined in the light of ongoing processes of dis- and re-embedment of civic involvement. The paper is based on secondary analyses of literature concerned with the issue of change within the civic field. The findings can be summarized in four points. First, we observe a shift from face-to-face interaction in long-lasting civic groups towards mediated interaction within networks in flux. Falling rates of participation seem to be followed by new types outside traditional measures of civic engagement. Secondly, individuals seem to move from value-based to consumer-based relations within the civic sphere. Associations, on her hand, increasingly present her activities as ‘products’. This means that civic engagement, more often than before, is mediated in ways usually associated with the for-profit market. Thirdly, civic engagement is shifting from diffuse horizontal involvement to centrally coordinated activities. ‘Amateurism’ gradually becomes replaced by professional standards, administered by staff-led bodies, in close connection with central authorities. As a fourth conclusion, we observe a shift from an engagement mediated by associations to a direct involvement, or engagement mediated by structures that usually are not defined as civic ones.