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检察机关提起行政公益诉讼具有不同于民事公益诉讼的显著特征:被告的“行政”专属、诉讼选择优位、行政程序前置、举证责任倒置等.检察机关提起行政公益诉讼并不排除公民和非政府组织的公益诉权,但应建立检察机关审查前置程序,以督促行政主体及时纠正违法行政行为或不作为,此既有利于快速有效地维护公益,亦能避免滥诉和讼累.从主体地位看,检察机关宜以行政公诉人角色提起行政公益诉讼,它较好地契合了我国的宪法框架、立法体制和司法实践.检察机关提起行政公益诉讼具体包括案件受理、立案审查、调查取证、诉前建议、提起公诉、出庭支持公诉、抗诉等一系列程序.  相似文献   

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What influence do funders have on the development of civil rights legal mobilization? Fundraising is critical to the creation, operation, and survival of rights organizations. Yet, despite the importance of funding, there is little systematic attention in the law and social movements and cause lawyering literatures on the relationship between funders and grantees. This article recovers a forgotten history of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's (NAACP) campaign to protect black lives from lynchings and mob violence in the early twentieth century. I argue that funders engaged in a process of movement capture whereby they used their financial leverage to redirect the NAACP's agenda away from the issue of racial violence to a focus on education at a critical juncture in the civil rights movement. The findings in this article suggest that activists tread carefully as the interaction between funders and social movement organizations often creates gaps between what activists want and what funders think movements should do.  相似文献   

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陈明辉 《法商研究》2020,(2):99-112
我国国家权力配置坚决反对西方的分权原则,而是在人民代表大会制之下进行权力分工。属性论、职能论和过程论是权力分工的三种基本方式,我国国家机构之间的权力分工综合使用了这三种权力分工方式。我国并不是根据权力分工的类型化创设国家机构,而是根据国家职能来设置国家机构,进而确定国家机构的性质及其权力分工状况。我国国家机构的权力分工存在双重结构,在主要国家机构创设层面,全国人民代表大会、国务院、中央军事委员会、国家监察委员会、最高人民法院和最高人民检察院这六大国家机构之间呈现六权分工的结构。但六权之间并不是周延的逻辑划分,而是保留组建新的国家机构、创设新的权力分支的可能。在国家机构的职权配置层面,不同国家机构之间存在大量的权力混合,除相对集中的军事权之外,几乎每一种权力都被层层分割给不同类型的国家机构。  相似文献   

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China-EU Law Journal - The constitutional duty to protect marriage and family is a rather recent task for public authorities. While these particularly personal forms of social interaction have...  相似文献   

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The article reviews recent developments in England in the law of necessity as a defence to crime and calls for its further extension. It argues that the defence of necessity presents the criminal law with difficult questions of competing values and the ordering of harms. English law has taken a nuanced position on the respective roles of the courts and the legislature in the ordering of harms, although the development of the law has been pragmatic rather than coherently theorised. The law has granted necessity some scope as an exculpatory principle in the law of general defences, but it has also respected the primacy of the legislature as the legitimate arbiter of many of the competitions of value that necessity throws up. The recognition of necessity has not been in the form of a single unified defence of that name. Rather it has taken the form of a number of defences, based on a principle of necessity, but with different nomenclature and different rationales. This approach to necessity is defended as right in terms of principle and policy. Any further development of necessity as a general defence should be restricted to two contexts, namely those of emergencies, and of conflicts of duty, where a danger of death or serious injury is present.
Ian Howard DennisEmail:
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This present paper is devoted to the analysis of the decisional juridical discourses of the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization. For this end, we decided to develop the research around two poles which shall be approached in an interweaving manner: the first concerns an examination of the methods of interpretation adopted by the Appellate Body and the second, which is a consequence of the former, devotes itself to the problem derived from the interpretation of authentic international treaties in more than one language. In the light of these two approaches we can verify that the interpretation of the Appellate Body is highly influenced by the search for the purpose of the text and the construction of the juridical discourse in question is made with reference to the linguistic system analyzed as a dictionary. It was established, that the Appellate Body carries out a dictionary interpretation with a tendency, even incipient, to consider the linguistic versions of the World Trade Organization Agreements. Finally, the task is structured having as a backdrop two interdependent concepts which should not be neglected in an analysis of international juridical discourses. They are the following: ?juridical culture’ and ?language’. Both will be dealt with from a semiotic perspective since the central element of our study – and of the intersection between these two concepts – is the linguistic sign.  相似文献   

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Throughout the post–civil rights era, colleges and universities across the United States have periodically experienced explicitly racist incidents on their campuses. From the hurling of racial slurs at students of color, to the hanging of nooses on campus, to students donning Ku Klux Klan outfits or throwing “ghetto” parties that caricaturize communities of color, these incidents challenge the notion that modern racism has changed to a more subtle form, referred to as color‐blind racism. We place these incidents within a broader context of race and institutions, suggesting a connection between overt racist expressions and the more covert elements of neoliberal color‐blind racism. Through a critical discourse analysis of news stories about these incidents, the website of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, and the controlling legal cases involving racist expression on campuses, we suggest that explicitly racist incidents operate in tandem with neoliberal educational policies and color‐blind racism to mark and reinscribe colleges and universities as white institutional spaces.  相似文献   

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This paper uses the analogy of an unregulated fight to examine the rhetorical politics of evaluation research pertaining to surveillance measures. It outlines how, in addition to being standard fare in social scientific debates, methodological issues have a parallel existence as part of the rhetorical politics of surveillance and crime control. After briefly sketching some of the ways that advocates try and accentuate methodological concerns in attempts to undermine the position of their adversary the paper considers how certain groups are comparatively advantaged and disadvantaged in such exchanges. The concluding section takes a larger view of these dynamics to address some of the risks inherent in engaging in this style of discursive politics.  相似文献   

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目的 考察纤维屑在涉及二次转移案件中作为示踪物质的适用性.方法 根据一个实际案例展开,在该案中,犯罪嫌疑人涉嫌多起入室盗窃案.纤维开始分散于嫌疑人所用车辆,后被嫌疑人“携带”并分散到犯罪现场,最终这些纤维在勘查过程中被收集.设计完善了一个可用于散布纤维的便携式装置,并完成了一系列二次转移的相关实验.结果 设计的装置可在短时间均相的散布纤维,单次接触不能全部转移第一表面的纤维碎屑.只有1-15%的纤维会转移到代表犯罪现场的第三表面.实际转移的纤维数与包括比如表面的材质在内的各种因素都有关系.结论 在所选参数范围内,相对大量的纤维有可能转移到犯罪现场并在现场勘查过程中被提取.  相似文献   

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This study examines in-depth interview data from thirty male juveniles incarcerated in a private correctional facility in the Midwest. Comparing the perceptions and experiences of 14 white male youth with 8 Native American, 4 black, and 4 Latino participants, white privilege was reflected in responses involving perceptions of the self as a ‘criminal’. Youth of all races described the effect of correctional facilities on their self-identification as a ‘criminal’ and youth of color were more likely than white youth to report the feeling that other community members viewed them as criminal before and after being arrested. Overall these findings demonstrate the ‘clean slate’ that white youth begin with compared to youth of color. Ultimately, time spent in a correctional facility appears to liken white youth’s perception of themselves as criminals to the self-identification of youth of color. Policy implications include implementing alternatives to incarceration, such as community service requirements to reintegrate youth into the community and avoid the negative effect of incarceration on the identities of juveniles. For youth of color, reducing racial discrimination is necessary to end the self-fulfilling prophecy and the sense of being labeled a criminal by the community prior to incarceration.  相似文献   

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准确把握主权概念是清晰理解国际法与国际关系的基础。只有消除一些误解和歧义才有可能树立正确的观念。就现实而言,主权是对内的命令、调控以及以此为基础的对外代表与参与,主要功能是政府对其行为与利益的辩护与防卫。其根源是社会分工形成的人群分层,并在此基础上形成的制度惯性以及人们对治理形式的路径依赖。其内核是无涉于道德和法律的。在认清主权的非社会契约性、非神圣绝对性之后,必须承认,主权在世界上仍会长期存在。因而有必要在人本主义的价值基点上塑造其理想,即要求主权发挥引领、代表、服务人民,在相互依赖、面临共同未来的人类处境中密切合作的职能。为此,有必要进一步完善权力—权利三角形,使主权的运作受国内宪政和国际法治的引导与制约,促进社会的健康和谐发展。  相似文献   

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